Fur Trade Family History

Historical Maps Society Talk

2012-02-05T08:22:00.000-08:00

I am just finishing off my talk for the Historical Maps Society, and have learned that the meeting is open to the public -- anyone can come. I had thought it was a private group, but not so.
The meeting is held in a boardroom in the Barber Learning Centre, at UBC; the talk can be from three-quarters of an hour to one hour and I see I can actually bring some of my maps with me.
It begins at 7pm. in the evening, Monday Feb. 6 -- tomorrow, in fact.

I am bringing a dozen or so books to sell at the meeting, but if you are unable to come the books are for sale at People's Co-op Bookstore. I will be at the Commercial Avenue/Street branch to sign the copies they have on hand -- this is not a formal event, I will just drop in to do it.

We'll see you tomorrow.

"Killing Fish by Explosion"

2012-02-04T12:11:00.000-08:00

A good title, and one that is found in the papers of James Robert Anderson, son of Alexander Caulfield Anderson.
Why I am speaking of this now is a long story, and here it is:
When I spoke at Hope last week, two of the attendees were re-enactors for the Royal Engineers.
I had met them previously at Fort Langley, when these flintlock gun enthusiasts -- the Royal Engineers and the Victoria Voltigeurs -- demonstrated their flintlock guns and told us how they worked.
One of these Royal Engineers read my book, and noticed the caption of the picture on page 61.
The picture shows men standing on the fish weir at the outflow of Fraser Lake (with the post in the background); the caption read: "Anderson was amazed to learn that Natives who fished at the salmon weir on Fraser's Lake, shown here, also killed fish by submerging the barrel of a flintlock gun up to the breach in the water and pulling the trigger.
"The resulting explosion stunned the fish, which floated to the surface, and the gun never burst as it would have done if only the muzzle was submerged."

You who are not sportsmen/fishermen would not have paid much attention to this caption -- but this flintlock gun aficionado perked up.
"I was most amused by your anecdote re: the Natives "fishing" with their flintlock guns."
Now the scary sentence .... "I mentioned that to [his contact] suggesting that some of his Trade Gun writers give it a go."

Well, at first I thought it would be interesting to hear how it worked -- then I thought about liability.
What would happen if one of these guys actually attempted this, and in that attempt blew off their hand or face?
The Royal Engineer assured me their guns were far too expensive to blow up for an experiment like this, and finished with a story about shooting fish in a shallow stream with a .22 rifle. "It works! The concussive force made them rise to the surface momentarily, and we were able to grab a few."

I hope that if anyone reads that line and is silly enough to try it with their flintlock gun, that they will do it safely and from a distance -- a la Mythbusters!
Flintlock guns are not toys!

By the way, if anyone of you wants to catch up on my article re: flintlock guns, you will find it in this blog under "Flintlock Guns and Percussion Guns," Sunday, February 7, 2010.
I just about cried when my editor cut this from my manuscript.

This where this caption was sourced -- James heard many of his father's stories, and wrote some of them down.
This is one:
"My father who was for many years situated in the Upper Country in great part of which was then known as New Caledonia in the service of the Hudsons Bay Co. relates how he found the Indians obtaining fish by exploding their guns in the water.
"This was done by submerging the barrel of the gun up to the breach otherwise the gun would certainly burst.
"How the Indians discovered that fish would be stunned by the explosion or that the gun would certainly burst if only the muzzle were immersed, could not be discovered." [Mss. 1912, vol. 13, file 6, BCA]

Anyway, if the Natives were catching fish by exploding their guns in the water, these are the fish they would have caught -- in Alexander Caulfield Anderson's writing.
I leave it up to you to figure out which fresh and salt-water fish he is speaking of....

"As may be surmised from the enormous coast-line, and the great extent of the inland water, the fish of British Columbia enter largely into the consideration of her resources. Of the former the Salmon may be regarded as the chief in place; but as it will require a more extended notice than the rest, I shall first proceed to mention the other varieties frequenting the lakes and rivers. Trout of many different kinds, varieties of Carp and other Cyprindidae; the Methy or Loche; and many others, including that Prince of fresh-water fishes, the White-fish (Coregonus), are generally distributed.

"The varieties of Trout, in the next place, demand attention; and for want of more legitimate nomenclature, they will in most cases be distinguished by the native names, adopting those of the Ta-Cully [Dakelh] of the Upper Fraser, to the writer the more familiar.

"A variety of excellent Trout frequent the upper waters; and the Carp-fishery in Spring is a great resource for the support of the native population. Two varieties of Trout, called by the Carriers [Dakelh] Peet and Sha-pai, are taken in the great lakes.

"Trout differ from each other materially in size and quality; those in the principal lakes are much larger than the varieties found in the smaller. All the different kinds (chiefly varieties of the Salmo Ferox) have distinctive names applied to them by the natives of the Upper District.

"The Peet [Rainbow Trout] is a red-fleshed trout frequenting large lakes, such as Stuarts, and Fraser's. They grow to an great size, frequently weighing between twenty and thirty pounds, and in some positions, I have been assured, weighing as much as forty, though I have never myself seen any so large.

"They are usually caught with hooks baited with a small fish during the season of open water, in the winter or early spring, by making holes in the ice and roofing them over with pine boughs so as to exclude the surface light. In this way the fish, attracted by a lure, is readily detected as it swims below, and the fisherman dexterously spears it. This is a modification merely of the Water-telescope used by the Norwegian fisherman, and tends to show how readily man, in exigency, arrives through different processes at a common end.

"The Sha-pai is another variety, equal in all respects to the first named. It differs, however, in appearance; its skin being studded with light orange-coloured spots and the flesh having a yellowish tint.

"The Peet-yaz or Salmon-trout is of smaller size, resembling generally the ordinary trout caught elsewhere. There are, however, several varieties, differing in size and quality as well as appearance, according to their habitat.

"The Talo-yaz (ie. Little Salmon) is a peculiar variety of Trout, of excellent quality, which is not found in the lakes generally, but is confined to certain lakes of the upper District. They seemed to be very abundant in the Great Okinagan Lake; a sheet of water abounding also in the larger species.

"In addition to the hook and spear, weirs are used for catching the various descriptions of Trout as they enter the rivers from the lakes to spawn. The gill-net, too, set in favorable positions in the shallower places which the fish frequent, is employed for the small varieties. In most of the lakes there is excellent fly-fishing, but the artificial fly and the spoon-bait, which the angler bent on sport would employ, were of course unknown to the native fishermen, whose devices I have mentioned.

"The White-fish (Coregonus Alba of Richardson), by many esteemed the Prince of fresh-water fish, found generally throughout the northern continent, is common to most of the lakes in the upper part of British Columbia (though not common to all). It varies very much in size, and no less in quality, in different localities: a variation arising doubtless from the nature of their food. Those in Upper British Columbia rarely exceed from two to three pounds, but in the large lakes East of the Rocky Mountains they are caught more than twice as large. Thus the fish produced in Fraser Lake, though no larger, are in quality far superior to those of the neighbouring lakes of Stuart; while those of the small lake of Yoka, in the depression of the Coast range between the latter lake and Babine, are superior to both. Far excelling these again are the fish caught in a small lake near Jasper's House on the Athabasca, a little outside of the northern frontier of the Province. Eastward of the mountains it is a staple article of food at the different posts; and though a rich and succulent fish, it has the peculiar quality of not cloying the appetite like the salmon and other fish of a like description. The White-fish is, however, peculiarly a Northern fish; and I question whether it be found in any of the waters of British Columbia south of Alexandria. In the Atlantic waters, it is caught considerably farther to the south.

"The Common Loch (Gallus Barbatula) called also the "Fresh-water Cod," is found commonly in the lakes and rivers of the Central and Upper British Columbia, preferring dull, sluggish streams and the shoaler lakes. Its flesh is highly esteemed by some; and its liver, which appears to be its sole depositary of its fat, yields a fine well flavored oil, equal in all medicinal respects to that of the Sea-Cod, while far less nauseous. A fish, on the whole, of very little mark.

"The Pike (Esox Lucius) common to the eastern waters, is unknown in the western watershed -- and, I need not add, is not regretted. To the above list may be added, as frequenting the waters of Manitoba, the Cat-fish, the Sun-fish, and divers[e] others, some of which are found elsewhere.

"There are immense numbers of Carp of several varieties. These when they enter the rivers to spawn, commencing in April, are caught by means of ingenious weirs and sun-dried in large quantities. The natives dry the roes which, cooked, with berries, afford them an important addition to their summer fare. After the spring fisheries are over the Carp is caught in common with the smaller Trouts, the white-fish, and others, in the gill nets before mentioned -- and thus till the arrival of the Salmon."

I should here interrupt Alexander Caulfield Anderson's writing to let you know that the carp he saw in the Fraser River are not the common carp [cyprinus carpio] that are in the upper Fraser River today. The fish Anderson saw were probably the Northern Pikeminnow, a bone-filled and edible member of the minnow family, or its close cousin, the Large-scaled Sucker.

"Two varieties of Sturgeon are found, one in the waters of Lake Winnipeg, the other a fish of enormous dimensions in the Columbia and the Fraser. The Sturgeon of British Columbia (Acipenser transmonanus of Richardson) differs widely in all respects from the common Sturgeon of the Atlantic (Acipenser Sturio) in size, quality and appearance. This noble fish is common both to the Columbia and Fraser River, but does not by the former stream penetrate to the British Columbia frontier -- interrupted, apparently, by the Kettle Fall at Colvile, near to which point some have been known to reach.

"The fish enters Fraser's River in February, following the shoals of a certain small fish, called by the natives Oola-han, as they resort to the lower parts to spawn. The Western Sturgeon attains an enormous size: in the upper parts of Fraser River about Stuart's and Fraser's Lakes, having been caught weighing as much as seven or eight hundred pounds. I was informed of one caught in Stuarts' Lake, the length of which was fourteen feet; but I never saw one nearly so large. These huge fish, I have reason to believe, do not return to the sea, but finding abundant food in the interior waters continue to dwell and propagate there. I do not, however, give this as an ascertain fact, but as an assumption, inferred chiefly from the following circumstances: --

"1st -- That they are caught until very late in the Autumn, and very early in the spring.

"2nd -- That the young fish (called by the voyageurs "Escargo"), a foot or two in length, are caught occasionally in nets set for other fish early in the summer. These doubtless descend to the sea, even admitting the grown fish to remain.

"3rd -- That Sturgeon of the size mentioned as inhabiting the Upper Lakes are rarely, if ever, caught in the lower Fraser. Be this, however, as it may, the Sturgeon, unlike the Salmon, continues to improve in condition as it ascends; for after the return of the Oola-han to the sea after spawning, the shoals of Salmon begin to ascend, yielding an abundant prey to their gigantic fellow travellers. Caught in the interior, the Sturgeon is extremely fat and, intrinsically a food fish, is on account of its fatness the more highly esteemed by the natives.

"There are several modes of taking the Sturgeon, varying accordingly to the locality. On the Lower Fraser, these fish are caught by the natives in a singular but very effacious manner.

"Two fishermen embark in a canoe; one merely steadying it with his paddle; the other crouched in the bow, provided with a long light rod -- a jointed staff -- which can be lengthened by the additional joints whenever the increased depth of water requires it. At the lower end of the rod a barbed harpoon, attached to a cord, is loosely affixed. The canoe is then suffered to drift down the centre of the channel; the harpooner carefully and constantly sounding so as to keep the point of his implement about a couple of feet from the bottom. The fish, slowly swimming upwards, is detected by the touch; and instantly struck. The rod is at once disengaged, and the fish is hauled in by means of the strong line attached to the harpoon.

"In the Columbia River, this plan is not available. The sturgeon is there caught with set lines, baited with a small fish or, what is better, a piece of Lamprey-eel.

"Throughout the remainder of Fraser River the bait is chiefly used; though in the large eddies strong nets are found very effective. In the shallows at the effluence of Lakes Stuart and Fraser, near which the Hudson's Bay Company's posts are situated, long stake-nets are set during Spring and Summer, by means of which a fish is occasionally caught, the more highly prized for its comparative rarity: for while the Sturgeon grows to larger dimensions in these vicinities, it is very much rarer than in the lower parts of the river. These nets are made, of course, of very strong twine, of the description called Maitres de Rets; and withal are frequently broken by the larger sturgeon. It is, however, a comparatively sluggish fish, and does not exhibit the spirited struggle of the captured salmon.

"A very valuable fish entering Fraser River to spawn in the early spring, is the Thalcicthys (or preferably Osmerus) Richardsonii -- locally known as the Oola-han. I was long under the impression that this fish was a variety of Pilchard (Chupandon Thrissa) peculiar to the Pacific; and am indebted to Dr. Robert Brown, of Edinburgh, formerly in command of the Vancouver Island Exploring Expedition, for the correction adopted above.

"The Oola-han is, in the estimation of most people, one of the most delicious products of the sea. Smaller than the Herring, it is of a far more delicate flavor; and so rich that, when dried, it is inflammable -- so much so, indeed, that in Alaska, where it is likewise found, it is I believe called the "Candle-fish."

"The merits of this fish are peculiarly worthy of note both for its delicacy of flavour and the unctuous richness of its flesh. Equal, if not superior to the sardine of Europe, this fish must eventually become of great mercantile value. From the fact of its being strung on long lines for drying by the Chinooks, it was formerly called, by the Voyageurs, Poisson a la Brasse -- or Fathom fish; and under this name, sometimes varied by that of "Anchovy," it is mentioned by Franchere, in his account of the Columbia River, under the name of Outhelekane, from which its present designation is modified. They were formerly very abundant in Spring on the lower Columbia; but suddenly, about the year 1835, none frequented the river. I have been informed, however, that they have since reappeared, and that there is now a regular supply as formerly.

"The Oola-han does not ascend Fraser River far beyond its mouth. It enters this river, as well as other rivers along the Coast, and especially the Nass near Fort Simpson, in immense shoals at the spawning season in April. It appears in immense shoals, and is caught either with the scoop-net, or, like the Herring on the sea-board, with the rake. This simple device is merely a long light pole, flattened in one direction so as to pass readily through the water, with the edge set towards the lower extremity with a row of sharply pointed teeth. The fisherman, entering the shoal, passes the implement repeatedly through the water, with a rapid stroke, each time transfixing several fish. Thus a copious supply is soon secured.

"Those caught at the mouth of the Nass are of a quality even richer than those of Fraser River. The natives, who assemble there in great numbers in Spring to prosecute the fishery, besides drying them in large quantities, extract from the surplus a fine oil, which is highly prized by them as a luxury, and forms a staple article of barter with the interior tribes. This oil, of a whitish colour, and approaching to the consistency of thin lard, is regarded by those of the faculty who are acquainted with its properties, as equally efficacious with the Cod-liver Oil so commonly prescribed, and it is said to have the great advantage of being far more palatable. With the exception of a few scores of casks salted annually for local sale, and a quantity prepared like the Red-herring, this fish has not yet, I believe, been systematically cured or become an article of exportation. There can be no question, however, than when more widely known and properly prepared, it will be the object of much extraneous demand.

"But we have dwelt sufficiently on them, and must proceed to notice the other products in which these waters are notably prolific. And first of the Herring. This valuable fish resorts in prodigious numbers at the spawning season in early spring, to the bays and inlets of the Gulf of Georgia and elsewhere along the coast. The method by which the natives capture them at this season, mentioned before while treating of the Oola-han, suggests an idea of their scarcely conceivable numbers. In appearance they do not perceptibly differ from the European variety, though rather smaller. At the period in question the quality of these fish is inferior; but when caught during their prime, with the net, on the banks which they permanently frequent, they are, to my conception, fully equal to their congeners of the Atlantic sea-board. This remark applies at least to some of the localities bordering on the Gulf of Georgia; and I fancy is generally true. The spawn, attached to sea-weed or to branches purposely sunk in the shallows for its reception, is gathered in large quantities by the natives, and dried for food.

"The Cod caught in the narrow waters are inferior to the Atlantic fish. There are, however, certain outlying banks upon which they are found abundantly, of a quality, it is said, approaching, if not fully equal to, the last.

"The Halibut attains upon this Coast a very high degree of perfection. On the outer shore of Queen Charlotte's Island, especially, it is found of a very large size; frequently exceeding 100 pounds in weight, and not unseldom, I am assured, of twice that size. Caught with the hook, these fish are dried in large quantities by the natives, especially of the more northerly parts of the Coast.

"To these may be added the Smelt, the Rock-cod, the Flounder, Whiting, and a host of others, with which, in season, the markets of Victoria are constantly supplied -- chiefly through the industry of Italian fishermen, who appear here to enjoy a prescriptive monopoly of the trade. Oysters are very abundant. those dredged near Victoria are of small size, but well flavoured; northward in the vicinity of Comox, a large sample is procured. Of Cockles, Mussels, and other shell-fish there is a copious supply.

"Crabs and prawns are not wanting; but there are no Lobsters, save a small kind found in fresh-water streamlets. Oil-producing fish such as the Ground-shark and the Dog-fish, are common to the whole Coast: the latter so abundant as to give lucrative employment to many fishermen and afford a boundless resource prospectively to others. Of the Phocidae, the Hair-seal is the most numerous; while the fur-seal, the Sea-lion, &c, are found chiefly on the outer shores.

"The Whale fishery has of late attracted much attention, and has been prosecuted with a certain degree of success; though, from want of experience, probably, less than one might have been justified in expecting. On the outer Coast Whales of the larges description are numerous; which, by the native inhabitants, who combine in parties for the purpose, are harpooned and captured by an ingenious process which it is unnecessary here to describe. In the inland waters of the archipelago a variety known as the Humpbacked Whale is very numerous. These yield from 30 to 50 barrels, or more, of oil; and so far have been killed by the whaling-parties with the harpoon-gun and shell. Many wounded victims, however, through some mismanagement of detail/ or perhaps unavoidably under the system, have thus escaped. The system, however, from its assumed wastfulness is, I am informed, declared illegal by the general laws of the Dominion: in which case it will of course be interdicted, and give place to other schemes less liable to objection. On the whole the pursuit of whales in these waters, vigorously prosecuted, with a competent knowledge of the business, will doubtless prove ere long a lucrative and extensive branch of the Provincial industries."

Anderson became the Dominion of Canada's Inspector of Fisheries in 1876, and continued in that position until his death in 1884. His fisheries reports are fascinating reading, filled with facts and descriptions of some of the fisheries. But those I will leave for future reports; you must be satisfied with this listing of fresh and salt water fish for now.

The North Columbia Monthly, newspaper

2012-01-28T14:04:00.000-08:00

Jack Nisbet has just sent me an email to let me know that his next column for the North Columbia Monthly is about Alexander Caulfield Anderson and The Pathfinder.
The article isn't on the newspaper's site yet, he says it will be posted in a few days time.
The newspaper's web-address is at www.northcolumbiamonthly.com, and Jack's articles are found under "Jack Nisbet's Boundaries," at the left hand side of the page.
The Royal Engineers who attended the Hope talk might also want to check out his series of articles, as there are a number written about Royal Engineers John Keist Lord, and a little more about Lieutenant Anderson.
Other articles are about David Thompson, of course, and David Douglas.
Here is the link: The North Columbia Monthly

The Speech at Hope, British Columbia

2012-01-28T13:13:00.000-08:00

I have been quiet for a while, partly because speeches take time to write, edit and time, and power-point.
For this talk I had a number of maps to show so that people could follow the story -- and they worked. They showed to the back of the room and everyone could see them!
That is an improvement over my talk at Victoria Historical Society, where Anderson's maps did not show well beyond the front row.
I have said many times that this whole experience is a learning experience, and learning what works on Power Point is part of the learning experience.

As you may or may not know, the original talk was scheduled for last week -- but we had snow.
We thought that we would never make it to the ferry and even if we did, how would we be able to drive up the Fraser Valley?
Well, the talk was postponed: Hope got a ton of snow that buried them and the upper Fraser Valley was also inundated.
This week the weather was fine, and the journey up the valley really easy.

The talk was held at the Blue Moose Cafe, and we set up the maps on easels so people could see them, and posted a copy (not the good copy) of Anderson's 1867 Map of British Columbia on the wall at the back of the room.
The lighting wasn't wonderful, but it did give people an opportunity to see some of his maps.

We began on time at 7pm., and the room was pretty full, but people kept coming in until the room was jammed. I think all the chairs were filled and staff brought out a few more chairs from the back.
So here is what I said:

"Thank you, I am glad to be amongst a group of people who know who Alexander Caulfield anderson was, and what part he played in your history.
He has been forgotten by many, and when I started to write this book some ten years ago, my reason for putting his story together was to have him remembered -- to tell his story.
Over the years my reasons changed, and when I was finished I realized that I wanted to know who he was -- what kind of man he was.
It had become a very personal project.

"I will try to show a little of who he was in this talk, but for the most part I will be talking about what he and the other fur traders did. You will have to read the book to find out what kind of man I discovered."

The image I showed at this time was Alexander Caulfield Anderson at the age of 60 some-odd years old. As I wrote the book this was the image I had in my head, and I always had to correct the image because when he was exploring the Fraser River, or riding over the brigade trails, he was a little over thirty years of age.

"Historians have always known who AC was -- he is the Hudson's Bay Company fur trader who, in the mid-1840's, threaded his way through mountain passes and down rapid filled rivers in search of a horse-friendly trail through the rugged country that separated the Kamloops fort from Fort Langley, on the lower Fraser River.
He uncovered two rough trails, both of which might be made suitable as a horse trail, to be used in a few years time and after a great deal of work was done to improve the trail bed.

"However, unbeknownst to the fur traders -- at the same time Anderson was exploring for a new route, a creeping illness sickened the Natives all along the lower Columbia River.
"The presence of this pestilence would, without warning, change the fur trade and force the traders to bring out their furs by one of Anderson's unimproved trails.

"The 1848 brigade over the first of Anderson's trails was an impossibly difficult journey, and that of 1849 little better. However, they attempted Anderson's second trail on their return journey and, to everyone's surprise, the trail worked reasonably well.
With a lot of work, that trail became the first good road into the interior of what would eventually become British Columbia -- as you know I am speaking of the Coquihalla brigade trail that runs east of Hope over the range of mountains behind us.

"In this talk I am going to tell you some of the stories of these difficult years, beginning with Anderson's cross-country expeditions in 1846 and 1847, and ending with the establishment of Fort Hope in winter, 1848, and the construction of the brigade trail you are so familiar with.

"The fur trade had an annual cycle that centered around the brigades, when furs gathered every winter were carried out to their headquarters on the coast -- that is, Fort Vancouver (Vancouver, WA) -- to be shipped to London and sold.
Every year between 1824 and 1860, the New Caledonia men brought out their furs by canoe of boat -- beginning at Fort St. James and coming downriver through Fort George [Prince George] to Fort Alexandria, on the Fraser River north of Williams Lake.
At Fort Alexandria the men paused to load their ninety pound packs of furs onto packhorses and crossed the rugged Thompson plateau to the North Thompson River. Crossing that river to its east bank, they rode south to their fort at Kamloops.

"South of Kamloops their trail led over the hills to Monte Lake, the north end of Okanagan Lake, down the west shore of that lake to the Okanagan River. It passed west of Osooyos Lake and down the American Okanogan valley, reaching the Columbia River at Fort Okanogan. This section of the trail was first used two hundred years ago, and remained in regular use until 1848 -- when everything changed.

"At Fort Okanogan, the fur traders loaded their furs into boats and headed downriver. Their first stop was at Fort Nez Perce [Walla Walla]. East of Fort Nez Perce was Waiilatpu -- a mission set up by American missionaries amongst the Natives. In 1848, the Waiilatpu Mission would play an important role in the history of the brigade trails.

"From Fort Nez Perce the fur traders continued south and west to their headquarters at Fort Vancouver, reaching it in early June. They departed in July for Fort Okanogan, carrying their trade goods into the interior forts. By August they approached Fort Alexandria and everyone rushed out of the fort to help them the last miles home. In September they reached Fort St. James, where they had begun their journey five months earlier.

"In 1842, Anderson entered New Caledonia for a second time, to take charge of Fort Alexandria, on the Fraser River. He travelled north over a newly opened trail that cut off the rocky traverse over the Thompson plateau.
The trail led from the Kamloops fort, across the north shore of the lake to Copper Creek, over various ridges to the Deadman River, and -- avoiding the bogs along the Bonaparte River -- continued north west to the north end of Loon Lake and the south end of Green Lake."

At this point I should have paused to explain that the illustrations I was showing were taken from Anderson's 1867 Map of British Columbia, and were not geographically accurate. Lakes appeared larger or smaller than they actually were, and streams might have flowed in different places that they actually ran. But I think it did not matter too much....

"Somewhere east off Lac la Hache it joined the old brigade trail that led west to Fort Alexandria. In 1842 Anderson might have been the first gentleman to ride the trail, and in 1843 he led the two hundred horses of the brigade out over the new trail to Kamloops.

"Now that we have covered the background of the trails, I will tell you of Anderson's four cross-country expeditions in 1846 and 1847, and explain the international forces that caused the fur traders such anxiety over these years.
Long before 1840, the boundary line between the United States and British territories had been established from Canada, along the 49th parallel to the eastern edge of the Rocky Mountains.
Now the British and American governments were negotiating the placement of the line west of the Rockies -- between what they called the Oregon Territory and the so-called British territory occupied by the fur traders [and Natives].
The HBC men hoped the line would follow the Columbia River to the Pacific, leaving everything north of the river in Hudson's Bay Company hands.

"Even at isolated Fort Alexandria, Anderson heard the rumours; he thought the line might continue to follow the 49th parallel west, and if it did, he knew the fur traders would eventually require a trail to Fort Langley, on the lower Fraser, from whence they could ship their furs to London.
He wrote a letter to the Governor of the Company offering to explore for a new route, and the Governor immediately accepted his offer.

"It was 1846. The fur traders already knew they could not reach Fort Langley by boat through the two rapid-filled canyons (Hell's Gate and Black Canyon) that blocked the Fraser River between Kamloops and Fort Langley.
But they also knew that the Natives from above Hell's Gate traded at Fort Langley, and that the Sto:lo on the lower Fraser travelled north past those canyons -- there must therefore be a trail around the two canyons, and Anderson was expected to find it.

"The fur traders had certain requirements for their trails. The country must provide good grass and water for the horses, and the trail bed must be solid enough underfoot that two hundred heavily laden packhorses could pass over in safety both ways. Switchbacks were needed on steep slopes to allow the horses to clamber safety up and down, and safe fords or bridges must be provided if the horses crossed deep creeks in the high waters of early summer. Nor can horses travel through deep snow -- though Anderson probably thought he would not have to worry about that problem this summer!

"In 1846 Anderson left Kamloops and followed well known Native trails to Marble Canyon, the Fraser River, and down the Fraser to the north side of Fountain Ridge. He left his horses behind at the Fountain and crossed the Fraser, walking down its west bank to the mouth of Seton River. He and his men followed the north shores of Seton and Anderson Lakes and crossed various heights of land until they reached Lillooet River, where they hired Native canoemen to bring him and his men downriver to Fort Langley.

"An anthropologist who does research among the Lil'wat people who live on today's Lillooet River, collected a story from one woman, who said her many-times-great-grandmother, as a child, had been hidden away by her parents because "strangers were coming downriver." He figured out the generations and thought the story had taken place about 1850 -- close enough to 1846 for it to have possibly been Anderson's descent of the Lillooet River."

The image I then was a photograph of the Coquihalla mountains from Fort Langley. "Picture, if you will, Chief Trader James Murray Yale, and Alexander Caulfield Anderson, standing on the edge of the Fraser and discussing a Native trail that ran through or around this range of mountains, ending in the area around the river that the fur traders called the Similkameen [the Tulameen River]. Within a day or so, Yale's guide led Anderson upriver to the mouth of the Coquihalla.

None of Anderson's maps show well on power point, and so I showed a map, which I drew, taken from the map in A.C. Anderson's original Journal of Exploration. "The red line leading from the left up the Coquihalla and Nicolum Rivers is Anderson's path.
From the mouth of the Coquihalla River, Anderson and his men followed the river east, up "a broad valley watered by a considerable stream, which we keep upon our right... pasture about the banks of the main river: wild pea, prele, etc., in moderate sufficiency for the temporary sojourn of the brigade. Burnt woods as we proceed; two small lakes...."

"Where the Coquihalla turned north they crossed the river on a logjam of driftwood, and followed the Nicolum east. He wrote: "The opposite mountains which bound the valley approach very closely here, and the Indian track (scarcely perceptible by the way) is very bad, though with a good deal of labour it might be rendered available..." Late in the day: "Fine pasture for horses and abundant... our Progress meanwhile very slow owing to the miserable travelling of our Indian assistants... the country from our encampment to this point has been very favourable for a horse-road; and since breakfast remarkably so for a woody country."

"In the Summalo River valley he wrote: "Fall in at the last crossing with an Indian from the Forks of Thompson's River who is hunting Beaver in this neighbourhood. As he appears to possess a knowledge of the country superior to our other pseudo-guides, who are miserably at a loss, I have engaged him under the promise of some ammunition and tobacco to accompany us for a day or two."

"Two days later they reached the place where the Thompson's River Native had indicated his trail up the mountain: "Breakfast at 6, at the spot where the Indian track from the lake [Council's Punch Bowl Lake] .. . descends. It is said to be very short and must evidently be so, but is at present thickly covered with snow, and the ascent appears, moreover, to be too steep for horses to go up with loads. A beautiful Rhododendron, with splendid crimson flowers now in bloom abounds in this vicinity..."

"They have reached the northernmost grove of the California Rhododendron, at Rhododendron Flats in Manning Park -- the only place in British Columbia where these flowers grow wild. When I was writing this part of the story I pictured a clump or clumps of garden-type rhododendron growing on an open mountainside slope, in the sunshine! You can imagine my surprise when I walked into the woods at Rhododendron Flats. Within short order I found a sort of salal-like plant growing quite tall and spindly, and eventually I realized that these bushes were the rhododendron I was looking for. It was early June when I was there, and the last few petals were still clinging to the branches -- when Anderson passed through this grove the flowers were still in full bloom.

"The place became even more magical when, out of curiosity, I sent an image of one of the pages of Anderson's Latin Bible, to see if my naturalist friend could identify the leaves that Anderson had stored in that Bible. The naturalist lived in Washington State, and he sent it on to other naturalist friends, and together they suggested that the leaves belonged to the rhododendron -- their state flower. None of these people had any idea that Anderson, in 1846, had walked through the northernmost grove of the California Rhododendron at Rhododendron Flats.

"I haven't been able to DNA test the leaves to confirm they are California Rhododendron, but I believe they are. I am confident that Anderson carried his Latin Bible with him everywhere -- and certainly on his 1846 exploration through Rhododendron Flats. I also believe that photographing all the flowers and leaves in his Bible might be an interesting project -- another chapter in the next book I will write about Alexander Caulfield Anderson.

"From somewhere near Rhododendron Flats, Anderson and his men climbed the south side of Coquihalla. Anderson's journal says this:
"We here leave the river; strike up East, bending round northward towards the height of land. The name of the little stream we have left is Sk-haist; implying, it is said, "A peak standing between two ridges." [He wrote this at the top of the mountains, after they left the stream they had followed up the wide mountain pass.]
"At noon reached the summit of the mountain pass. The ascent is very gentle, and perfectly clear of impediment throughout the greater part; frequent fires having destroyed the timber that heretofore encumbered the ground. Upon nearing the summit of the pass, a few occasional snowdrifts witnessed or elevated position, but up to that point there was nothing of the kind to impeded the passage of horses. But alas! On reaching the summit a dreary prospect met the view. The whole surface of the valley, as well as of the confining mountains, was white with accumulated snow...."

"The men stopped on the shoreline of a little lake they found there -- a lake Anderson named Council's Punch Bowl. All the time I was looking at Anderson's maps, I did not know what Anderson's Tree was -- and yet Anderson's Tree [southeast of Council's Punch Bowl Lake] appeared on three of his maps. James, his son, also commented on the tree in his Memoirs -- when he wrote that the lake called Council's Punch Bowl was commemorated by a marked tree.

"Then I picked up Carolyn Poduchny's book, "Making the Voyageur Wold: Travelers and Traders in the North American Fur Trade." In this book, I ran across a section on Maypole Trees, sometimes called lobsticks. This is what the book says:

""Theatre and Maypoles -- the quotation that begins this chapter illustrates a striking performance of the master and servant relationship in the fur trade... Voyageurs selected a tall tree standing out on a lake, "lobbed" off all its branches except for those at the very top, carved into the trunk's base the name of the bourgeois, clerk, or passenger to be honoured, and gathered round the maypoles to cheer and fire muskets. The honouree then provided regales, or treats, to all the brigade.

"From this I came to realize that Anderson's Tree might be a Maypole tree. This was an honor granted to very few men west of the mountains; and no fur trader ever saw Anderson's Tree after he and his men walked away from it. But Anderson knew it was there, and I believe he marked the tree on his maps so that he, if no one else, would remember the honor."

At the end of the evening or in the break one gentleman told me that the fur traders often marked a height of land with a squared tree -- that is the bottom part of the tree blazed or hacked into a square. That might also be what Anderson's Tree is. We will never know because the tree is long dead, but it changes little. It is a variety of a maypole tree. I wonder if the Hope Mountain group has found squared trees on the top of the mountain????

"From Council's Punch Bowl Lake, the men left the height of land and encamped on the east bank of the stream which Anderson thought was a tributary of the Similkameen. From Anderson's journal: "The river bends round very gradually towards East, receiving several tributaries of some magnitude from left side; others of inferior consideration upon that on which we are travelling. Upon most of these we find drift trees to serve out purpose; but have occasionally to fell a tree for a bridge."

"Eventually they crossed the mainstream of the Tulameen on another logjam, and Anderson wrote: "Altogether our bridge was a tremulous and marvellously unsteady affair; and my mind was relieved of no small degree of anxiety when I saw the whole party safely across. The old proverb tells us to 'bless the bridge which carries us safe over,' and I say not do less than this, our friend in need, however dubious its pretension to security."

"From the north base of the Coquihalla, the party proceeded about six miles when the met "Old Blackeye, the Similkameen, and his son in law, on their way to visit their deer snares." Blackeye told Anderson of a Native trail that led across the mountains to the meadows where the Rhododendron grew -- or at least that is what Anderson understood. "He states that it is a wide and good road, with plenty of pasturage at the proper season; and that but for the depth of the snow we could not have missed seeing it after crossing the height of lands..."

"Anderson returned to Kamloops and Fort Alexandria. Early the next spring, Peter Skene Ogden sent clerk, Montrose McGillivray, north with a message for Anderson, and instructions to explore the banks of the Fraser River for a snow-free trail between Kamloops and Fort Langley.

"When he left Kamloops, Anderson already knew about the newly opened Similkameen trail from the Fraser River to the Nicola Valley; it had been arranged that Blackeye show him the trail. [We are not talking about the trail up the Coquihalla -- this was a different Similkameen trail.] Anderson had also viewed Sam Black's 1835 map of the Thompson's River district at Kamloops, and noted that Black had marked the range of hills the trail was supposed to cross, with the words: "Terrible Mountains all over Hereabouts."

"From the Nicola Valley, Anderson rode to the mouth of the Nicola River and, leaving his horses behind, crossed the river in borrowed canoes. He and his men walked down the south bank of the Thompson River toward modern-day Lytton, where they met their Sto:lo guide, Pahallak.

"Pahallak guided Anderson's party down the east bank of the Fraer, and one day later they reached the Native settlement that Anderson called Squa-zowm, about where Boston Bar stands today. This was where the newly opened Similkameen trail was supposed to begin, and Blackeye's son joined Anderson's party there (if he hadn't joined them earlier), and showed the fur traders his new trail up the mountains behind Squa-zowm.

"Somewhere up the mountainside, at a place suddenly familiar to two of Anderson's men, they paused. Anderson's employees assured him that, from this place, there already existed a trail that would take them all the way to the Nicola Valley.

"Now Anderson had only to find his way south to Fort Langley, past Hell's Gate and Black Canyons and the miles of rapid-filled river north of modern day Yale. From the mainstream of the Squa-zowm River, the Natives led Anderson's party up a cliff climbing trail that took them to the top of Lake Mountain, where another long sloping trail led them southward to a Native village called Kequeloose, on the Fraser River south of the two canyons.

"From there they crossed the Fraser and made their way downriver -- with some difficulties -- until they were able to borrow canoes to bring them to Fort Langley. Anderson's party of fur traders and Native guides immediately returned up the canyons bringing two unloaded boats to Kequeloose -- again with some difficulties -- and he followed his Natives guides up over Lake Mountain and up the trail to the Nicola Valley, on foot.

"As they reached the open grasslands of Nicola Valley, Anderson wrote a letter of instruction to Montrose McGillivray: "The chief part of our survey being now completed, I propose entrusting to your care the further charge of the party.... Therefore you will proceed to [Fort] Okanagan with the horses, accompanied by the men herein named -- Fallardeau, Lacourse, and Desautel remain with you. Also Nkwala's nephew, Blackeye's son, and Laronetumleun -- the last as interpreter.""

At this point I put up the colour image of Tsilaxitsa, which is black and white in the book. I don't know if anyone else enjoys this portrait as much as I do, but I think he is beautiful.

"In later years Anderson wrote that he rode many miles with Nkwala's nephew, Tsilaxitsa, who was to become the most prominent Okanagan chief of his time. Both Tsilaxitsa and Blackeye's son were on Anderson's expedition up and down the Fraser River to Fort Langley; and I suspect that both these Native men, and others who remain forever unnamed, regularly worked for the fur traders -- helping them to take out their furs and to bring in the trade goods.

[pause] "About the time Anderson was making his 1847 exploration down and up the Fraser River, measles, which had come north with Natives who traded for horses in California, began to spread through the district around Fort Nez Perce on the lower Columbia River. Measles is an illness that spreads in crowded conditions, and Natives gathered in large numbers around the Waiilatpu Mission, east of Fort Nez Perce. Many Natives died -- so many that the Cayuse chiefs became convinced that the missionary was intentionally killing them with poison.

"When the missionary failed a test they set for him, the Cayuse swarmed into the mission house, slaughtering fourteen residents and taking many hostages.

"When news of the massacre reached Fort Vancouver, Peter Skene Ogden travelled east up the Columbia River to purchase the hostages and settle the tribes. The end result of the massacre at Waiilatpu was the Cayuse Wars that erupted up and down the Columbia River, making it no longer safe for travel. The gentlemen at Fort Vancouver and Fort Victoria instructed the men of New Caledonia, Kamloops and Fort Colvile (on the Columbia River near Spokane) to bring out their furs by one of Anderson's unimproved trails.

"It was 1848, and the trail they chose to use was the Squa-zowm River trail over Lake Mountain (through Sam Black's "Terrible Mountains all over Hereabouts"). James Douglas travelled to the Fraser to assess how easy it would be to travel downriver to the new Fort Yale. He was horrified by the river rapids, and discovering a rough passage that led through a rift in the rocks on the west side of the river, he ordered that a good road be built through it. This was the Douglas portage, north of modern day Yale. [I imagine the modern-day highway runs, more or less, through the old Douglas portage.]

"Before 1848, a typical brigade consisted of about 200 horses. The gentlemen rode at the head of the column, and behind them came the many individual brigades of heavily laden pack horses. In normal years, each string, or brigade, of seven to nine horses was in the care of two men responsible both for the horses and the loads they carried.

"But in 1848, close to four hundred horses -- including many unbroken animals -- came out in the hands of fifty men, many of whom would not be returning with the brigades. The outgoing brigade left Kamloops in late May and travelled over the hills south of the fort before following the Coldwater River west. They crossed the plateau and rounded the range of hills before dropping down the west side of the ridge to the Squa-zowm River, which they now called Anderson's River.

"Then up the cliffs to the top of Lake Mountain where they passed Hell's Gate and Black Canyon -- down the long sloping trail to the village at Kequeloose and downriver to Spuzzum Creek, where they crossed their loads in "barges" that were difficult to handle and drowned some of their horses. They arrived at Fort Yale in early June, and Anderson wrote: "It is needless to enumerate the difficulties which we had to encounter and surmount; suffice it to say that we continued to reach Fort Yale, which had meanwhile been established, and thence ran down speedily to Langley."

"The outgoing brigades had carried out packs of furs and castoreum -- the incoming brigades would now carry in trade goods such as packs of iron goods and axe heads, balls and black powder and flints for flintlock guns, salt, and tobacco in 90 pound rolls or in carrots.

"The brigades would also return with fewer men -- nine men sent out with the Fort Colvile crew returned to Fort Vancouver and three or more men deserted at Fort Langley. But a young gentleman named Henry Newsham Peers joined the brigade as Donald Manson's clerk, and he kept a journal of the trip in."

Peers' journal is full of information about the incoming brigade and quite delightful to read; it is found in the BC Archives somewhere. I inherited my copy from my uncle, Elton Anderson, one of the two people to whom this book is dedicated -- before he died Elton did a tremendous amount of research on his grandfather, A.C. Anderson, which I inherited. I guess that is what started me off on this project.....

"They started off from Fort Langley, and Anderson travelled in the first cluster of four boats, with five more to come under Donald Manson's command. Anderson later described the up-river journey to Yale: "Hitherto, bateaux of about three burthern have been employed by the Hudson's Bay Company, for transport below the Falls [at Yale] -- a slow method when the water is high, as the ascent can then be effected only by warping along shore, with the aid of Indian canoes to pass the lines. By this tedious process, an ascent was made during the freshet of 1848, to the foot of the Falls, in eight days; under ordinary circumstances, it would occupy five."

"From Peers' journal, on passing over the Douglas portage north of Fort Yale: "I and Mr. Manson left Ft. Yale on the 2nd August with the last trip 30 horses to rejoin Mr. Anderson at the other end; We got on very well on the portage with the exception of a couple of horses falling in the ascent of the big hill & some little confusion in a swampy part of the road rendered worse than its original state by the frequent passing & repassing of horses. There is a pretty gradual ascent (one stiff hill intervening) as far as Douglas' River where there is a steep descent of about 700 feet to a bridge & and somewhat steeper though shorter ascent on the opposite side of this ravine, thence a level road till within a miles of Spuzzum River or Simon's House where the road descends pretty gradually to that place -- we were about three hours coming across & encamped on the south side of the Fraser River."

"Peers tells us that they remained about three days at Simon's House, crossing horses and loads to the east bank of the Fraser. Then they started north, "with some 500 & upwards pieces of goods in 15 brigades, each brigade having 18 & some a greater number of horses to 2 men." [A normal brigade has seven to nine horses to two men.]

"They travelled about six miles up the banks of the Fraser and, as Peers says, "encamped at the foot of Big Hill where the road leaves Fraser River, many of brigades only arriving when pitch dark and consequently great confusion from horses straying with their loads and so fort; several fell down a steep hill on nearing the encampment... from weakness, threw their loads & a bale was swept off in the river before it could be seized & one animal killed." This was at Kequeloose, at the bottom of the big hill that led them up Lake Mountain.

"Peers' journal continues the next day: "Rainy weather -- this morning Jacob Ballenden was found dead near the encampment with his gun discharged by his side, shot through the heart. It is supposed he committed suicide. The day was spent in collecting strayed horses with their loads and all found but 6 pieces and another horse killed. A war party of the Chute Indians against those of Anderson's River passed the camp and created some little alarm... Nothing I may say here for the horses to feed on."

"The brigades climbed Lake Mountain and descended the cliffs on the other side to Anderson's River, and Peers records: "Some of the rear brigades got on very badly and 80 pieces were found deficient... Remained here today till the lost pieces should be brought in all of which were rendered but 2 bales."

"They began the climb from Anderson's River to the top of the hills via Utzlius Creek, eventually reaching "a small patch of thinly wooded ground in which had been constructed a miserable horse-park. Two or three of the rear brigades arrived when quite dark and many horses necessarily strayed away before they could be freed from their loads, passing the night with the rest in the woods under a heavy thunder storm with little or nothing to eat."

"Peers also makes mention of the work the Natives did, in helping the fur traders bring in their supplies: "The pieces all but two or three were recovered after much searching and order was again restored. The Indians who had been employed for the last four days in searching for and bringing lost goods to the camp were paid off and seemed satisfied although there is some doubt as to their honesty."

"The next day the fur traders camped five miles from the top of the hill, and men in the latter brigades went without supper [the provisioning brigades were at the head of the brigade]. On the following day Anderson rode ahead, while Manson sent Natives out to search for more packs. At the end of the day the fur traders found they were still missing: "six bags salt, two bags of ball and two rolls of Tobacco." [from this list you can perhaps understand the fur traders' suspicions, above] Each of these bags and rolls weighed ninety pounds.

"Anderson sent fresh horses back to Manson and Peers, and Peers reported that "the early part of today was devoted to catching and loading young horses, about which some time was wasted." The next afternoon Manson and Peers caught up to Anderson's brigades on the Coldwater River. They reached Kamloops on August 22nd, and the gentlemen held a meeting to discuss the trail.

"The hot-tempered Manson reported: "We have tested [the trail's] advantages and disadvantages thoroughly, and I have no hesitation in declaring it utterly impracticable for a large brigade such as ours. The rugged, rocky mountainous and thickly wooded country which lies between Fraser River and the plains, ... is, in my opinion, sufficient in itself to condemn this route." [I mentioned that there was a Donald Manson descendant in the room, who was probably enjoying this description of his bad-tempered ancestor.]

"This route was far too difficult, and the gentlemen agreed that the snow-covered trail over the Coquihalla must be tried. they sent Henry Peers with Edouard Montigny, one of Anderson's men, to Blackeye's camp, to ask that he show them his trail to the top of the Coquihalla.

"Historians have spent a lot of time puzzling over how Henry Newsham Peers chose the trail across the plateau, especially as it in no way followed Anderson's 1846 exploration. Anderson himself expected that Blackeye's trail would end up on the south side of the mountain, at Rhododendron Flats. But it did not.

"Peers' actual guide was Blackeye's son, who took them up his father's trail to the top of the plateau, and then guided them due west, across the mountaintop, to a stream he called So-aqua. He point out his trail down the west side of the mountain, by streams that immediately came to be called Peers' Creek and the Coquihalla River. Peers and Montigny followed the streams to the Fraser, where they borrowed canoes from the Natives and made their way to Fort Langley.

"In October 1848, James Douglas wrote to John Tod of Kamloops: "In consequence of the very unfavourable report we have received from Messrs. Manson and Anderson of their last Summer's route, we have come to the determination of opening a New Road recommended by Mr. Peers after a very careful survey. Leaving Fraser's River, it follows successively the valleys of the Quequealla, Peers and the Soaqua Rivers, from thence crossing the dividing ridge into the Similkameen valley, where it falls upon Mr. Anderson's track of 1846 and follows it to Thompson's River.

"Mr. Peers will be despatched with ten men in a few days hence to commence operations at the mouth of the Quequealla, where we intend to establish a small Post for the convenience of parties passing to and from Thompson's River and at the same time he will proceed in opening the road with the assistance of all the Indians that can be mustered, and we hope to have it made as far as the snowy region before the Winter sets in.... He is particularly desirous that Blackeye's son, the Indian who accompanied him a part of the way on his late Journey to this place and left him at the head of the Soaqua, should be sent to meet him at that point, as without such assistance he will not be able to find his way into the Similkameen Valley... With that Indian you will please despatch Montigny and as many whites and Indians as you can muster to open the road from the plains of the Similkameen to the Soaqua Valley, following the line of road Mr. Peers pointed out to Montigny as being the best adapted for horse-transport, as early in the spring as the snow will admit...."

"You will notice that Edouard Montigny is already on the north side of the mountain; I am also amused to notice that Peers, a relative newcomer to the fur trade, says he pointed out to the experienced Montigny the road "best adapted for horse-transport." Peers had almost no wilderness experience, having worked at Fort Vancouver in the mill and for a short time in charge at Fort George [Astoria].

"Peers was placed in charge of building Fort Hope, and the fort did get built. But no work was done on the trail over the winter of 1848-49, though that was not Peers' fault. Snow began to fall early in the season and it kept falling and the trail up the Coquihalla River was buried under deep drifts of snow and remained that way all winter. The heavy snow fell on the forts in the interior, too -- at Kamloops and Fort Colvile at least. Though the snowfall was good news for the fur trade, it killed so many horses in the interior that the fur traders now worried about having enough animals to carry out their furs in the spring. Still, the furs must go out -- but because the fur traders had no idea how much snow might lie on the top of the Coquihalla, they decided to go out, once more, by the Anderson River trail they had used in summer 1848.

"Alexander Caulfield Anderson was now in charge at Fort Colvile, and he rode north to Kamloops -- not through the Similkameen as I said in the book -- but by the old brigade trail up Okanagan Lake and through Monte Lake. As he waited for the brigades to load at Kamloops, he sat on the hilltop above the fort and sketched the unfinished watercolour and pencil drawing of Kamloops, contained in the book.

"From Kamloops, the combined brigades came out, once again, by the Anderson River trail, and it took them ten days to reach Fort Langley. At the fort, Anderson quickly loaded his goods into the boats and pushed his men upriver to Fort Hope, to begin work on the new trail.

"On their way downriver, Donald Manson had asked Anderson to remain behind at Fort Hope to open the trail, but Anderson had refused to do so. Now, when the packhorses that had been sent over the mountain from Kamloops finally arrived at Fort Hope, Anderson told Manson of his decision to leave Fort Hope with his men and horses, without doing any more work to improve the trail. The two gentlemen exchanged "high words."

"The Fort Colvile men found the passage over the mountain easy even though the trail was unfinished; they continued their journey to Fort Colvile via the Similkameen Valley, Osoyoos Lake, Anarchist Mountain and the Kettle River, which they followed south to reach the Columbia River a few miles from Fort Colvile.

"I believe Anderson had already considered the possibility that he could cross the mountains a second time that summer, and that is why he left Fort Hope as soon as he could. From Fort Colvile, Anderson sent his men back for the remainder of his goods, left behind because of the shortage of horses. Because Fort St. James was so far north, Donald Manson did not have that option, and could not make a second journey to Hope. He left much of his supplies behind, and the shortage of trade goods plagued him the entire year afterwards.

"A few weeks after Anderson left Fort Colvile, reports of his argument with Manson reached the ears of Peter Skene Ogden at Fort Vancouver, who arranged that the Fort Colvile brigades, and those from New Caledonia, arrive at Fort Hope separately. Every year, James Douglas travelled to Fort Langley to supervise the brigades' arrival, because, as Peter Skene Ogden wrote, "without a conductor the gentlemen are not competent to conduct their own affairs, trifling as they are, and a separation is absolutely necessary as Pugilistic affairs between the two leaders is not exactly the proper mode of conduct in Brigades in the presence of the Company's servants."

Neither Manson nor Anderson would have called their affairs "trifling." Their return journey over the mountains were at all times difficult. Stress levels were high, the work was hard and there were sometimes heavy losses, and the pay was low. They worried about having enough men to do the work the fur trade demanded -- fewer good men were joining the fur trade and the quality and quantity of men that reached the Columbia district and New Caledonia was in constant decline. Moreover, at Fort Langley, many voyageurs attempted to desert the fur trade and make their way south to the California gold fields now in full swing.

"I found a good description of the trail over the Coquihalla, written that year by the acting-Governor for the HBC, Eden Colvile, who rode over it a few months after the brigade had crossed it. Among other things he suggested, "It will be necessary to send a party of men from each end of the road to cut all the fallen timber, as it is very fatiguing to the loaded horses to be continually stepping over these fallen trees, & thirdly, ditches should be cut through the swamps, & where requisite, logs & brush laid over them, so as to afford firm footing for the horses."

"When the brigades came out in the summer of 1850 they found the trails much improved. From Campement des Femmes at the base of the mountain on its north side, the Fort Colvile brigades followed Blackeye's Trail twelve miles up to Lodestone Lake. Another twelve miles or so brought them to Horseguards Camp on the Tulameen River at Podunk Creek -- where Anderson's exploration of 1846 crossed the brigade trail that resulted from that exploration.

"The next day they camped at Deer Camp, and nineteen miles further on reached Manson's Camp, at the head of Peers' creek. fifteen more miles brought them down Peers Creek and the Coquihalla River into Fort Hope, where they loaded their goods into boats and drifted downriver to Fort Langley.

"In August of that year, James Douglas reported: "I have been to Fort Langley, where the Brigades from the interior arrived safely with the furs between the 15th and 19th July. They crossed the Frasers River ridge without difficulty, the snow being compact enough to support the loaded horses, and Mr. Manson is of the opinion that the passage may be made ten days earlier in the season with perfect safety... The Colvile people reached Fort Langley in seventeen days moderate travelling, and the other Brigades took ten days from Kamloops. The woods have been partially cleared by fire, and grass seed sown at Fort Hope and other points on this road, which will in a short time furnish a sufficiency of food for the horses."

"I will try to give you a little picture of the brigades arriving at Fort Hope, and packing up to leave again: About 1860, a very young Susan Allison saw the horses and described them as "splendid animals, hardy and enduring, with lots of good horse sense." Her description of the brigades' arrival follows: "Sometimes there would be a grand stampede and the pack trains would disrupt. Horses and men could be seen through a misty cloud of dust, madly dashing all over the Hope flat, lassos flying, dogs barking, hens flying for safety anywhere. Suddenly the tempest would subside as fast as it had arisen, the pack boys would emerge from the clouds of dust leading the ring leaders in the stampede...."

"From a Royal Engineer's description of the brigades leaving Fort Colvile in the early 1860's -- these quotes come from John Keast Lord's book, "At Home in the Wilderness: What to Do and How to Do it," published in London some years after he returned home.

""This journey from Colvile to Hope occupies nearly three months for its accomplishment. About the beginning of June preparations commence at Fort Colvile for the Brigade. The horses..., in number about 120 to 150, are brought ... to a spot called the 'Horse guard,' about three miles from the fort, where there is an abundance of succulent grass and a good stream of water.

""Here the animals are taken care of by the trustworthy Indians until their equipment or 'rigging' is ready, which process is at the same time going on at the fort. Here some thirty or forty savages may be seen squatting round the door of the fur-room; some of them are stitching pads and cushions into the wooden frames of the pack-saddles; others are mending the broken frames; a third group is cutting long thongs of raw hide to serve as girths, or to act in lieu of ropes for lashing and tying; and a fourth is making the peltries up into bales, by the aid of a powerful lever press.

""Each bale is the weigh about sixty pounds [I think actually ninety], and the contents to be secured from wet by a wrapper of buffalo-hide, the skin side outermost. This package is then provided with two very strong loops, made from raw hides, for the purpose of suspending it from what are called the 'horns' of the pack-saddle. Two of these bales hung up [one] each side of a horse is a load, and a horse so provided is said to be packed....

"They use no halters, but simply throw a lasso round the animal's neck, with which it is held whilst being packed... Let us imagine a horse lassoed up awaiting the operation of packing. First a sheep or goat's skin, or a piece of buffalo 'robe,' ... called an 'appichimo,' is placed on its back, with the fur or hair next to that of the horse, and is intended to prevent galling.

""Next the pack-saddle is put on... This miserable affair with its two little pillows or pads, tied into the cross trees of woodwork, is girthed with a narrow strap of hide, which often, from the swaying of the load, cuts a regular gash into the poor animal's belly. Next a bale is hung on either side, and the two are loosely fastened together underneath the horse by a strap of raw hide... When all the animals are packed, each of the hands who are to accompany this cavalcade mounts his steed; then waving their lassoos round their heads, and vociferating like demons, they collect the band of packed animals, and drive the lot before them as shepherds do a flock of sheep. The principal trader, as a general rule, takes command of the brigade, the journey being anticipated by both the master and his men as a kind of yearly recurring jubilee."

"To John Keist Lord, an Englishman, the fur trade employees appeared to be Native (and some might have been). By this time many fur trade employees were descendants of the first French Canadian voyageurs and their Native wives. When I researched the men mentioned in Anderson's Fort Alexandria journals, I was amazed to find how many of them were not French Canadian, but Metis. In a later manuscript, Anderson remarked that: "a mixed generation... had sprung up, embodying in a marked degree the paternal characteristics of their origin; and these native voyageurs became at an early period a very useful class."

"By 1850 the new brigade trail was established and successful, though there were still hiccups. Even when the Native wars along the Columbia River quieted and the Fort Colvile men went downriver by boat to Fort Vancouver, the New Caledonia fur traders continued to come out to Fort Hope. There was a reason for this: if they had returned to their old trail down the Columbia River they would have entered American territory and their goods would have been heavily taxed. They had no option: they had to make this trail work for them.

"And the trail did work quite well for them, though the shortage of horses in the interior remained a problem, and June 10th appeared to be the earliest day in the year they could begin their journey over the Coquihalla trail.

"In 1851, "A party of ten men, under the direction of Mr. Peter Ogden [Peter Skene Ogden's son], were employed upon the new road for nearly two months ..., and made many substantial improvements. They cleared the points of wood on the whole route between [Fort] Alexandria and Fort Hope, and from the Shimilcomin River they increased the general breadth of road, shortened the bends, levelled or relined the steep ascents by inclined planes, and bridged about 300 yards of boggy ground."

"While I was researching Anderson's part in this trail, I found no mention of the difficulties that Manson's Mountain gave the fur-traders. But in the Fort Victoria letters for the years after 1854, I am finding the fur traders spent anxious years trying to find an alternative piece of trail for the part that descended Manson's Mountain. The first mention is in august 1854, when James Douglas wrote to Paul Fraser: "I am happy to hear that there is a prospect of finding a better road than the present one through Manson's Mountain, and I trust you have succeeded with Mr. Manson's assistance in getting it opened for the passage of the Brigades."

"That new trail was apparently never opened, and a later route that went up the Chilwayook valley was much talked of for a few years, but abandoned when it was finally realized that, "the Chilwayook Lake was enclosed by precipitous rocky hills, apparently inaccessible to horses either in a direct line across their summit or by following the margin of the Lake. We are therefore now about to direct all our strength to improve the existing road by Fort Hope."

"But all of this happened after 1852, when Anderson was no longer riding over the trail, and could not suggest an alternative route -- his pathway down the wide valley that led up the south side of the mountain from the Sumallo River and Rhododendron flats. I don't know if it would have worked as a horse trail: As you know he mentioned in one spot in his journal that the trail appeared too steep for loaded horses, although he later appears to have overcome that objection.

"By 1854, Anderson had retired from the fur trade. He would pop up again in 1858, when he came to Fort Victoria and opened the first highway into the interior over the route of his first exploration via the Lillooet River and Anderson and Seton Lakes (which he then named). By this trail, thousands of eager gold miners accessed the Fraser River gold fields north of the same canyons that had confounded the fur traders in 1848.

"In 1860, the soldiers and engineers of the Columbia Detachment of the Royal Engineers substantially widened the Harrison trail and turned it into a good wagon road. Then the Royal Engineers carved a good road out of the cliff faces between Yale and Boston Bar, above the rapids that had so troubled the brigades in 1848 and 1849. By autumn 1862 their road reached Lytton, and in 1863 the first Alexandra bridge crossed the Fraser River north of Spuzzum, its eastern end resting near the place where Anderson's men had buried Jacob Ballenden in 1848.

"Also in your part of the world, there are two early trails: the short-lived Whatcom Trail to the goldfields up Snass Creek, and the Dewdney Trail, constructed in 1860 by the Royal Engineers, with the part time help of engineer Edgar Dewdney.

"All of these are important roads, one way or another -- however the most important road was the one that finally brought the fur traders from Kamloops to Fort Hope. What is the fur traders had failed to find a road over these mountains and were never to reach Fort Langley in safety? What impact would that have had on the importance of Fort Victoria and Fort Langley, and how would that have impacted British Columbia's history?

"Historians agree with me. In 1975, our first local historian, Derek Pethic, wrote that Anderson's "discovery of a practical, all-British artery for the fur trade was to have a profound effect on the history of not only British Columbia, but also of Canada itself."

"When I spoke in front of the Victoria Historical Society in November, one of the questions I was asked at the end was -- were these trails now open? Could people hike these trails? I was able to tell them about your organization and the work you were doing in opening these trails. It gave me great pleasure to tell them about your uncovering some of the 150 year old hash-marks the original fur traders had used to mark the trail.

"I want to thank this group -- Hope Mountain Centre -- for the work you have done in preserving our important history. I hope that Hope Mountain continues this work for a long, long time, and that these trails remain open and accessible through the coming years. The American writer William Faulkner, wrote, "The past is never dead. It is not even past." I think that phrase is especially suitable when we are speaking of the Coquihalla brigade trail -- this trail created your town and it is now a part of your future. As a descendant of one of the men who rode over the trail, I want to thank you for your important work."

"The Pathfinder" is available as an e-book

2012-01-05T18:21:00.000-08:00

This will be a short post, just to give readers a little information -- I have been taking a break from the blog, perhaps, but have been busy writing and power-pointing the speech I am giving at the Blue Moose Cafe in Hope, B.C., on January 19th, at 7pm.
Books will be available at the site, but those of you who want to purchase a copy sooner can buy it at Hope Visitor Centre and Museum Complex (Destination Hope) at 919 Water Avenue.
This occasion is being put on by the Hope Mountain Group, at www.hopemountain.org -- you can obtain more information on their website.
Once this talk is written and given, I will post much of it on this blog, so that those who listened to it can "re-read," or those not able to come can catch what I said.
There will be some Fort Colvile information here,too, so it will be relevant to the place we are at in the blog.

Immediately following that speech, I will be working on the talk for the Historical Maps Society, in Vancouver, on Alexander Caulfield Anderson's important maps -- fourteen or more of them.
They all have their stories: on the reverse of one of his maps is a drawing of two voyageurs -- one an Iroquois, the second obviously French.
So when that talk is written and given, I will post much of what I said so that all of you will learn something about Anderson's maps.
I certainly don't have all the answers, but I have a lot of family information that I can apply to the maps that I have.

The second thing I have to tell you -- that I just learned today -- is that my book, "The Pathfinder: A.C. Anderson's Journeys in the West," is now available on e-book.
It is available through Chapters, at this link: http://www.chapters.indigo.ca/Pathfinder-Andersons-Journeys-in-West-Nancy-Marguerite-Anderson/9781926936826-item.html?__lang=en=CA
I am glad it is available by e-book so quickly because I know so many people use e-books -- you see them everywhere right now!

A little more on the Stuwi'x people of the Nicola Valley

2011-12-18T09:29:00.000-08:00

As you know, I am searching for information on Blackeye, the Similkameen Chief who Anderson met in 1846 at the foot of the Coquihalla.
My research has brought me to the Stuwi'x people who were found in the Nicola valley about the time Anderson was there -- they have since disappeared or been absorbed by other tribes.
They are also called Nicola Valley Athapascans, and Archibald McDonald's 1827 map of the Similkameen Valley shows that, to him, the "Schimilicameachs" occupied the valley of the Similkameen (Red Water Branch), the Tulameen River, and Nicola Valley up to the junction of the Nicola River with the Coldwater, west of Nicola Lake.
[This map says it was drawn by 'Andrew McDonald' of the HBC in 1827, but I believe that it was Archibald, not Andrew. Archibald McDonald's map is in the B.C.Archives and so I should check and see what it says].
A second map from Langley Museum shows the Nicola Valley Athapascans occupying the Similkameen valley from Keremeos west to the Tulameen, and northward through the Nicola Valley almost all the way to the junction of the Nicola with the Thompson River.
Ashnola (where Ashnola John resided) is close to Keremeos and so Ashnola John might have been Blackeye's son -- as I have speculated previously -- or he might have just been a Native chief that Anderson would have come to know in the years he led the Fort Colvile brigades through the Similkameen valley.
So, that question has not been answered, yet.

But another early article on the Stuwi'x people has been brought to my attention, and while I think it does not prove anything, it offers more interesting information that might lead to an answer.
This information on the Stuwi'x is found in the Tenth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, found on www.canadiana.org -- another good resource if you are going to research the Natives of Canada!

From the Fifth Report on the Indians of British Columbia, by Franz Boas, 1895:
"During the months from September to December 1894, I revisited British Columbia under instructions of the Committee, the object of the journey being to fill, so far as possible, gaps left in previous investigations....
"On account of lack of time I was unable to visit the He'iltsuq, and for the same reason I delegated the work in Nicola Valley to Mr. James Teit, of Spence's Bridge, who is thoroughly conversant with the language and the customs of the Ntlakya'pamuq [Nlaka'pamux]. His report will be found embodied in the following pages....
"II. The Tinneh tribe of Nicola Valley, by Mr. James Teit (p.30)-"
Here, following, is what James Teit had to say, after his visit to the Nicola Valley in March 1895:

"I saw the three old men who are said to know the old Stuwi'hamuq language, which was formerly spoken in Nicola Valley, and found that they only remembered a few words of what they had heard from their fathers. One of them could only give me five or six words, another one twelve, and another one twenty... One Indian, who also knows some words of the language, is living at present in Similkameen; therefore I was unable to see him. It is unfortunate that the work of collecting the remains of the language was not undertaken a few years sooner. An old woman who was half Stuwi'hamuq died in Nicola only five years ago. She was the last person who could talk the language properly. The three Indians whom I saw are only one quarter Stuwi'hamuq blood; each of them is old and white-haired, and I should judge over seventy years of age. One of them said he remembered that when he was a boy his grandfather (who was by then a very old man and hardly able to walk) pointed out to him the spot on the Nicola a little below the lake where he (the old man) was born, and also told him that his people had always inhabited that region. This old man must have been born in Nicola at least 120 years ago, and it seems that he had no knowledge of the origin of his tribe."

So already, in 1895, the Stuwi'x have almost disappeared into the tribes that surrounded them. Tait continues further down the page;
"They have a tradition that at one time their tribe was numerous and that their southern boundary extended to Keremeous, on the Lower Similkameen River. They have no tradition regarding a foreign origin, and were quite indignant when I mentioned to them Mr. McKay's theory of their being descended from a war party of Chilcotin... Their personal names, so far back as they can trace them, are ... Ntlakya'pamuq [Nlaka'pamux]. The oldest personal name that they could give me was that of a man of note among them called Tsuqkokwa's. This is the only name that I do not recognize as Ntlakya'pamuq [Nlaka'pamux]. They said that the pure Stuwi'hamuq whom they had seen were of about the same height as the Ntlakya'pamuq [Nlaka'pamux] and Okanagan, but generally heavier in build. They were also of the same complexion. Their features were slightly different, but they could not explain wherein the difference consisted..."

But later in the story is an interesting addition, which has been mentioned in my previous posting, I believe:
"One of the old men whom I saw, named Tcuie'ska or Sesuluskin, is the first person of the Ntlakya'pamuq [Nlaka'pamux] whom I have seen tattooed on the body. He is one quarter Stuwi'hamuq, one quarter Okanagan, and half Nkamtei'nemuq. He said that formerly the Stuwi'hamuq were occasionally tattooed on the body, as were also some of the Nkamtci'nemuq."

Who are the 'Nkamtci'nemuq' today?

Boas finishes his report -- and Teit's -- with this conclusion: "From what we know about Indian life, Mr. McKay's theory that the Stuwi'hamuq are descendants of a Chilcotin war party, which was hemmed in by the Ntlakya'kpamuq [Nlaka'pamux], seeems very unlikely, and Mr. Teit's data prove beyond a doubt that the people have lived in the Similkameen and Nicola regions for a long time. I do not doubt that they must be considered the most northern of the isolated bands of Tinneh origin which are found all along the Pacific coast." However, in the next paragraph he says that the dialect "was much more closely related to the Tinneh languages of British Columbia than to those farther south, although it would seem to have differed from the former also considerably."

So, still clear as mud. But it has occurred to me that I should check Alexander Caulfield Anderson's writing to see what he had to say.
In his "Notes on North-Western America," which was published in Montreal and accompanied his 'Skeleton Map of North-West America' to the gigantic Philadelphia International Expedition of 1876, he writes quite a long paragraph about the Tinneh people:
"The Chipewyan race, who for convenience sake are now classed as the "Dinee" or "Tinneh" tribes, occupy as will be seen a very extensive tract. They have evidently been great wanderers; for to them the isolated sept of the Sarcees of the Saskatchewan owes its origin; and a similar offset, the Klatskanai (now extinct), not very long ago inhabited the highlands beyond the mouth of the Columbia River, while traces of the language appear even farther south.
"Dinneh means literally a man...."

In this manuscript he speaks of the people who live and lived in North West British Columbia, but does not appear to have recognized that Blackeye was Tinneh -- which may mean he was not.
But in scraps of a manuscript written by A.C. Anderson and stored in his son's fonds in the archives, he has a lot to say about identifying Natives:
"In dealing with the subject I have only mentioned those heads of tribes which have always stood prominently forward as representative of the multitude of minor divisions and subdivisions of tribes or families.
"It must be borne in mind that in attempting to make a [division] the lines of demarcation are of a very arbitrary nature in any attempt to define the territorial limits of the nomadic tribes inhabiting the wild part of North America & to arrive at any degree of accuracy as to the proper division of those tribes living conterminously with each other on or near the boundaries or apparent boundaries would require years of study of their habits, physical characteristics & language -- certainly much more than I have had the opportunity of giving the subject & it seems almost presumptuous to attempt even a rough sketch such as I have given without a more thorough knowledge of all the points so necessary in arriving at conclusions as to the derivation & relationship of the different races under review."
Anderson knew George Mercer Dawson (in fact it was Dawson that he wrote this manuscript for), and I believe that McKay was the Kamloops Indian agent when Anderson was acting as Dominion Indian Commissioner in 1877.
I think he probably had to explain to both men -- and to others such as the Royal Engineers -- that identifying the various Native tribes in British Columbia was not going to be an easy task.
I think I agree with him.

Angus McDonald

2011-12-16T05:52:00.000-08:00

James Robert Anderson, son of Alexander Caulfield Anderson, was about ten years old when he first met Angus McDonald, his father's clerk at Fort Colvile.
James wrote of Mcdonald in his memoirs, "Notes and Comments on early days in British Columbia," and it is very obvious that he adored the man.
The story I am telling below took place in either 1849 or 1850, by which time young James knew Angus quite well.
"A few days before the date of my Father's expected arrival on his return journey from Fort Langley," James wrote, "Mr. Angus McDonald the gentleman in charge of the post in the Flathead country, made his appearance to await the brigade and convey his outfit to the post.
"Two days before my father was due, Mr. McDonald suggested to my Mother that he and I should proceed a day's journey to meet my Father.
"This having been decided upon, we made a start after breakfast on our horses for the Mission where we were to cross the Columbia, but what was our chagrin when we espied my Father cantering towards the Fort by another road.
"Having his eyes fixed on his destination he did not see us, and we had to follow ignominously in his wake.
"Needless to say, we were most unmercifully chaffed...."

Angus, who liked to surprise and tease people, would have been especially humiliated at missing the return of Anderson to Fort Colvile.
He must have felt very humbled when he and James rode into Fort Colvile, long after Anderson had arrived at the place.
But Angus would have recovered his good mood almost immediately.
McDonald entertained the Anderson family with his poems and music on many occasions, and that evening would have been one of them.
James wrote that "it was a treat to hear him sing in Gaelic, strutting about as if in the act of playing the bagpipes and to see him dance the sword dance."

James continued with McDonald's story -- a short biography:
"Angus McDonald lived and died in the interior; he was always employed in the Flathead country and vicinity and as late as 1860 was in charge of Fort Colvile....
"He was a rough specimen of a Highlander and despised many customs as effeminate.
"I met him last at Fort Vancouver about 1865 and on that occasion he expressed his contempt of the galvanic battery offering to take the highest charge.
"Dr. Benson accepted the challenge and I was deputed to work the instrument; it was an old-fashioned concern and in the act of increasing the voltage the bar slipped and the highest charge was given.
"McDonald gave a yell and dropped to the ground much to his consternation and disgust."
Another humiliation for Angus McDonald...

According to Steve Anderson's biography, called "Angus McDonald of the Great Divide: The Uncommon Life of a Fur Trader, 1816-1889," [Museum of North Idaho Press, 2011] McDonald was born in seaside village of Craig, in Ross-shire (Scotland) in 1816 -- which date makes him only a few years younger than Alexander Caulfield Anderson.
McDonald's parents were farmers who moved to Dingwall when their child was quite young, and Angus went to school in that town and for a short time clerked in a Dingwall business.
In 1838, Angus joined the fur trade and in spring 1839 he was assigned to his great-uncle Archibald McDonald's post of Fort Colvile.
Angus McDonald travelled west with Roderick Finlayson, Dr. John McLoughlin, and apprentice clerk Dugald McTavish (who kept a journal of the journey west); he was rescued from death by drowning in a Columbia River whirlpool by Big Michel, Fort Colvile's French-Canadian/Cree steersman.
All in all he had enough of adventures by the time he reached Fort Colvile -- but that thirst for adventure would not long be diminished.

After a short stint at Fort Colvile, Angus was sent into the Snake District, to work with Francis Ermatinger -- a man who could "equal any free trapper when swilling whiskey or injecting foul language into a conversation."
But Ermatinger was a good trader and a willing teacher, and taught his young protege a great deal about the Snake District's fur trade.

Angus McDonald was a writer and a poet, and because of this common interest, he and Anderson got along very well.
His writing and poems are featured in Steve Anderson's book; McDonald described the voyageur Joseph Monique's "personal appearance was as proposing as was his singular address in the prow of his canoe or barge...One glance of that fiery black eye of his read leagues of the turbulent stream at once."
But Monique drowned on one of his river journeys, and Angus wrote his first poem after the voyageur's death:
"Up! Boy up! The day stands blue to his steep
I hear the hoarse cheer of the winds rushing strong from the deep
Quick! Boy! Quick! [Up] from the frost covered yoke where you kneel
And ride the bold pride, of the torrents that long for your keel...."

From one of the captions in Steve's book I learn that when McDonald took charge of Fort Colvile after Anderson left the place, the fort itself had deteriorated significantly -- a sign of Anderson's unhappiness at Fort Colvile, I presume.
But of course the fur trade in the Columbia district was in serious decline and no one knew how long the British fur traders would be allowed to remain in what had become American territory -- perhaps Anderson felt it was just not worthwhile to maintain Fort Colvile to any degree.
I know that when Anderson arrived the fort, its palisades were long gone.
Because of the Cayuse War that now inflamed the Columbia River south of Fort Colvile, Anderson ordered the construction of new palisades around the main part of the fort.
According to Angus McDonald, this smaller stockaded area enclosed the north side of the fort and the fort's offices.

From a book called "Readings in Pacific Northwest History," [I have no other information on publisher to give] I found a description of the buildings at Fort Colvile, at the time Angus McDonald was in charge.
From an article "Fort Colvile Dispatches the Winter's Fur Catch," from a book by John K. Lord, "At Home in the Wilderness: What to Do There and How to Do it," (3rd ed., London, 1876) pp. 53-63 -- "It may prove interesting en passant, to give a brief outline of the plan adopted by all the far inland fur-trading posts, for the conveyance of the year's furs to the place....
"As a description of one will apply with equal force to all of them, I shall select for description Fort Colville [sic], which is situate on the banks of the Upper Columbia about 1,000 miles from the seaboard.
"This quaint old place, one of the Company's earliest trading stations west of the Rocky Mountains, is worthy of a passing description as affording a good example of the fur-trader's 'Home in the Wilderness.'
"The trader's house is quadrangular in shape, and built of heavy trees squared and piled one upon another...
"The visitor, on entering the somewhat ponderous portals of this primitive mansion, finds himself in a large room dimly lighted by two small windows, the furniture of which, designed more for use than ornament, consists of a few rough chairs and a large deal table, the latter occupying the centre of the room.
"Looking beneath this table one cannot fail to notice an immense padlock, which evidently fastens a trap-door, and if you happen to be a guest of the chief trader, (and here I must add as a result of long experience that the Hudson's Bay Company's traders are the most hospitable kind-hearted fellows I ever met with), the probabilities are greatly in favour of your discovering the secret of the trap-door, very soon after you enter the room.
"The table pushed back, the trap-door is unfastened, and the trader descends into a dark mysterious looking cave, soon however to emerge with a jug of rum, or something equally toothsome.
"Now, if you are of an inquisitive turn of mind, you may find out that in this underground store-room, all valuables are deposited and secured.
"This room beneath which the cavern has been excavated, has some person to occupy it night and day, and the chief trader sleeps in it; hence it is next to impossible that the savages could steal anything unless they forcibly sacked and pillaged the establishment.
"An immense hearth-fire, both warms and lights this dreary sitting room, for at least eight months of the year..."

Then this gentleman goes on to describe the trading shop... "The trading shop, and store of goods employed in bartering with the savages, adjoins the trader's house, although not actually a part of it; and the fur-trader stands therein behind a high counter, to make his bargains.
"The Indians have a curious custom in their barterings, which is, to demand payment for each skin separately, and if a savage had fifty marten skins to dispose of, he would only sell or barter one at a time, and insist on being paid for them one by one.
"Hence it often occupies the trader many days to purchase a large bale of peltries from an Indian trapper....
"In many of the Posts the trade room is cleverly contrived, so as to prevent a sudden rush of Indians, the approach from outside the pickets being through a long narrow passage, only of sufficient width to admit one Indian at a time, the passage being bent at an acute angle near the window, where the trader stands."
Note that this is not necessarily how Fort Colvile was set up; the Natives here were quite friendly with the fur traders and these precautions may not have been needed.
"This precaution is rendered necessary, inasmuch as were the passage straight, the savages might easily shoot him [the fur trader]...
"Over the fur shop are large lofts for storing and drying the furs in as they are collected.
"Beyond this a smith's shop, a few small log shanties, and an immense 'corral,' for keeping the horses in, whilst fitting out the 'brigade,' make up all that is noteworthy as far as the buildings are concerned at Fort Colvile...
"The houses are by no means uncomfortable, and I can truthfully say, many of the happiest evenings of my life, have been passed in the 'big room' at Fort Colvile."

This writer also described the brigades to Fort Hope, though he was very critical of the brigade system.
"This journey from Colvile to Hope occupies nearly three months for its accomplishment.
"About the beginning of June preparations commence at Fort Colvile for the Brigade.
"The horses (the Hudson's Bay Company never use mules), in number about 120 to 150, are brought by the 'Indian Herders,' who have had charge of them during the winter, to a spot called the 'Horse Guard,' about three miles from the fort, where there is an abundance of succulent grass and a good stream of water.
"Here the animals are taken care of by the trustworthy Indians until their equipment or 'rigging' is ready, which process is at the same time going on at the fort.
"Here some thirty or forty savages may be seen squatting round the door of the fur-room; some of them are stitching pads and cushions into the wooden frames of the pack-saddles; others are mending the broken frames; a third group is cutting long thongs of raw hide to serve as girths, or to act in lieu of ropes for lashing and tying; and a fourth is making the peltries up into bales, by the aid of a powerful lever press.
"Each bale is to weigh about sixty pounds, and the contents to be secured from wet by a wrapper of buffalo-hide, the skin side outermost."
[I think it more likely the bales were ninety pounds each, but maybe he's right..]
"This package is then provided with two very strong loops, made from raw hides, for the purpose of suspending it from what are called the 'horns' of the pack-saddle.
"Two of these bales hung up each side of a horse is a load, and a horse so provided is said to be packed.
"When all the preparations are completed the horses are driven in from the 'guard' to the fort, and the packing commences.
"They use no halters, but simply throw a lassoo round the animal's neck, with which it is held whilst being packed; this finished, the lassoo is removed, and the horse is again turned loose into the 'corral,' or on to the open plain, as it may be."

"Let us imagine a horse lassooed up awaiting the operation of packing.
"First a sheep or goat's skin, or a piece of buffalo 'robe', failing either of the former, called an 'apichimo,' is placed on its back, with the fur or hair next to that of the horse, and is intended to prevent galling; next the pack-saddle is put on.
"This miserable affair with its two little pillows or pads, tied into the cross-trees of woodwork, is girthed with a narrow strap of hide, which often, from the swaying of the load, cuts a regular gash into the poor animal's belly.
"Next a bale is hung on either side, and the two are loosely fastened together underneath the horse by a strap of raw hide.
"This completes the operation of packing, and the horse is set free, to await the general start.
"When all the animals are packed, each of the hands who are to accompany this cavalcade mounts his steed; then waving their lassoos round their heads, and vociferating like demons, they collect the band of packed animals, and drive the lot before them as shepherds do a flock of sheep.
"The principal trader, as a general rule, takes command of the brigade, the journey being anticipated by both the master and his men as a kind of yearly recurring jubilee."

If you think that the voyageurs are acting like a bunch of cowboys, then you will appreciate this description of the arrival of the brigade at Fort Hope, from Susan Allison's "A Pioneer Gentlewoman in British Columbia:"
"From the doorway of our shack we could see the Hudson's Bay Company's Post and watch the pack trains come in from Colvile, Keremeos and other places.
"Sometimes there would be a grand stampede and the pack trains would disrupt.
"Horses and men could be seen through a misty cloud of dust, madly dashing all over the Hope flat, lassos flying, dogs barking, hens flying for safety anywhere.
"Suddenly the tempest would subside as fast as it had arisen, the pack boys would emerge from the clouds of dust leading the ring leaders in the stampede..."

Young Susan also described the horses -- "These Hudson's Bay Company horses, though called "cayooses," were most of them splendid animals, hardy and enduring, with lots of good horse sense."
She was told that they were "descended from the Spanish Barb brought to American three hundred years ago by the Spaniards and left to run wild."

And on one occasion, Susan took a walk up the brigade trail to pick berries, and met Angus McDonald on his way to Hope:
"..I heard bells tinkling and looking up saw a light cloud of dust from which emerged a solitary horseman, the most picturesque figure I had ever seen.
"He rode a superb chestnut horse, satiny and well groomed, untired and full of life in spite of the dust, heat and long journey.
"He himself wore a beautifully embroidered buckskin shirt with tags and fringes, buckskin pants, embroidered leggings and soft cowboy hat.
"He was as surprised to see me as I was to see him, for he abruptly reined in his horse and stared down at me, while I equally astonished stared at him.
"Then as the Bell Boy and other horses rode up, he lifted his hat and passed on..."

Native fishermen at Fort Colvile

2011-12-12T05:00:00.000-08:00

When Alexander Caulfield Anderson first rode into Fort Colvile in 1849, he might have been privileged to watch one of the fort's most interesting entertainments -- the Native fisheries at Kettle Falls.
In his memoirs, Anderson's son, James Robert, also wrote of these Native fisheries -- sometimes it is hard to tell which description is Anderson's, and which are his son's.
We will begin this chapter with James' Memoirs, when he writes of his journey to Kamloops in 1848, where he would remain until his father returned from Fort Langley.

"In 1849 [1848] a horse trail having been constructed in the interval between the time of my father's exploration and the above date, the route was for the first time used for the transportation of supplies to the various interior posts.
"In the year previous, my father had been transferred to the charge of Fort Colvile and we all moved to Kamloops where we, mother and family, spent the summer whilst my father was absent on his journey to Fort Langley, and on his return, we went to Fort Colvile where my father relieved Mr. John Lee Lewis [Lewes]...
"In 1848 after the return of my father to Kamloops we left that place and proceeded to Fort Colvile where as mentioned before, Mr. Lewis was relieved, who with his wife and family consisting as far as I can remember of an elder son, Adolphus, two good-looking girls and some younger children...

"Fort Colvile was a pleasant post, the country in the vicinity was clear of timber up to the foot-hills one or two miles distant.
The fort was situated about a miles from the Columbia River on the left hand bank and about the same distance from the Roman Catholic Mission down the river, presided over by Pere de Vos, a Jesuit Priest.
"Quite near the mission which was situated on higher ground than the Fort, were the Kettle or Chaudiere Falls which stretch clean across the Columbia.
"Here the Indians used to congregate when the salmon were running.
"The manner of capturing the fish was accomplished in two ways -- one was by baskets, so called, made of withes some ten feet long, closed at the sides and lower end.
"This was suspended so that the upper end touched the water of the falls, the other end being lower.
"The salmon, in attempting to leap the falls, often missed and fell struggling into the basket when he was hooked out.
"The other way was by spearing the salmon whilst in mid air, from a frail looking staging sticking out over the seething torrents, a most exciting pursuit....."

Alexander Caulfield Anderson wrote about the same manner of fishing in a manuscript which has now more or less disappeared, but which might have been written for the Royal Engineers in 1860 or thereabouts.
It exists today in scraps in one of his son's folders in the archives.

This is what Alexander Caulfield Anderson wrote:
"Modes of fishing are very varied & as a matter of course the conditions under which fish are captured are so widely different that innumerable means were employed.
"On rivers & lakes salmon were captured by means of spearing, traps & scoop nets & baskets set under water falls into which the salmon falls if he misses his leap or in cases of short streams where some salmon, on going down the stream, numbers fall in to the baskets & are caught.
"These baskets are made of withes or split pieces of wood from ten to twelve and perhaps more feet in length fastened with cedar roots or boughs to transverse pieces with one & two sides raised sufficiently high to prevent the salmon from escaping.
"By means of long poles well secured to the shore in a horizontal position, the basket is suspended so that the open end goes well into the water of the fall, or in cases where the volume of water is small, the open end may reach the rocks, the closed end being slightly lower so that the fish in falling into the basket slides to that end where from a frail platform it is hooked by the gills & thrown ashore to the women who immediately prepare them for drying."

These fish traps sound as if they were well designed and quite ingenious.

Anderson wanders away from Fort Colvile in his discussion of the spears used for fishing, but he will return....
"Spears were made in different ways, the most kind I think were thrown.
"The shaft of the spear was generally made of a split piece of fir about twenty feet long, perhaps an inch in diameter at each end & slightly larger in the middle.
[The prongs or ends, sometimes, in the case of two prongs of unequal length, made of hardwood, are fixed] "to the shaft by means of cedar roots or cherry bark & consisted of one, two & sometimes four, the latter being used generally on the sea coast for spearing crabs, octopi, flat fish &c, the barbs were made of bone & were either rigidly attached to the prongs or fitting on the end, were when the prey was struck, detached from the prongs & held to the spear by means of ropes.
"The spear intended for throwing had a flat piece of wood with places cut in to fit the fingers, fastened to the upper end in order that it could be used with greater force.
"The ordinary salmon spear was however never or very seldom thrown, it was used in shallow water where the fish could be seen, sometimes at night by the aid of torches.
"The most exciting method of spearing I ever witnessed was at the Kettle Falls on the Columbia River where the Indians stood on the end of a very rickety looking platform overhanging the seething waters & struck his prey in mid air as the salmon attempted to leap the falls."

Many Native tribes gathered at Kettle Falls for the annual fisheries, and we would have more stories of them if only Fort Colvile had become a part of British Columbia.
The fort was south of the boundary line, however, and so it did not.
As most of Anderson's later essays were confined to British Columbia's history, we have lost many stories that Anderson may have told about Fort Colvile.

There is, however, another source of information on the salmon (and other fish) that entered the Columbia River, and that is Alexander Caulfield Anderson's fisheries reports for the Dominion of Canada, in the years 1876 to 1884.
In his "Notes and suggestions regarding the Salmon Fisheries on Fraser River," in Sessional Papers of the Dominion of Canada, 1875, Anderson tells us that the salmon that swam up the Columbia River were as large as the Chinook which came up the Fraser River.
The weight of the Fraser River salmon sometimes exceeded fifty pounds and on one occasion a sixty-five pound Chinook was caught near Victoria, and Anderson compares the BC chinook with the Columbia River salmon:
"This fish -- the saw-quai of the lower coast tribes [the Chinook].. does not obviously differ externally from the large spring salmon of the Columbia River (s. quinnatt eqannett chinook.)
"But there are certain apparent differences in their habits, which lead me to infer that they are probably distinct varieties.
"One fact observable with the Fraser River kase [Chinook] is, that they do not, so far as I have observed or been able to ascertain, enter any of the lakes, such as Stuart's Lake, Fraser Lake, &c, along the course of the Fraser and its tributaries.
"Upon reaching the outlet of these lakes, they diverge up the adjacent streams to spawn -- the smaller variety, or ia-lo (suck-kai of the Lower Fraser) [sockeye] alone continuing their course through the dead-water of the lakes, to the tributaries beyond.
"The equannett of the Columbia (s. quinnatt) exhibits no such apparent reluctance; passing unhesitatingly through the lakes of the Upper Columbia on its course towards the head-waters, where its spawning grounds are situated.
"Again, the run of the large Columbia salmon from the sea is apparently more continuous and regular than that of the nearly corresponding fish of the Fraser; and commences, also, at a somewhat earlier date.
"This last fact, however, may reasonably be assigned to local causes only."

[The chinook carried a different name on the Upper Fraser than it did on the lower, hence the two names -- kase, and saw-quai -- in above paragraph. It sometimes confuses me that Anderson, in all the years after he left Fraser's Lake, continued to call the Chinook by its northern name, the kase.]

I understand that there is some argument about the size of the salmon that once swam up the Columbia River to be caught at Kettle Falls.
Alexander Caulfield Anderson's Fisheries reports confirm that the Columbia River salmon that reached Kettle Falls and beyond, in the 1850's, were sizable fish.
That makes the apparent flimsiness of the Natives' fishing utensils even more amazing, that they could withstand the weight of a fifty pound fish falling down the falls into the baskets!

Book-sellers around the world

2011-12-11T11:48:00.000-08:00

I have just done a google search to see where my book: The Pathfinder: A.C. Anderson's Journeys in the West, is listed, and I have found quite a few listings.
In Canada the book is sold through Amazon.ca, and through the Chapters and Indigo bookstores at www.chapters.indigo.ca
In Victoria the book is listed on my favorite bookstore's site -- Munro Books, at www.munrobooks.com (you can get signed copies from them).

For American readers in the Seattle, Portland, and Spokane areas, it is listed on Barnes and Noble, at barnesandnoble.com -- and is also available at Powells Books, at www.powells.com -- a major Pacific Northwest bookstore.
That's very good coverage and means it will be readily available in the Pacific Northwest, an area that is thoroughly covered in the book.
There are other listings that appear to be American, that I am unfamiliar with -- these are www.flipkart.com and www.midpointtrade.com (a world-wide bookseller, it appears)

Many Anderson-Seton descendants still live in England, and so they might find the book on the British version of Amazon Books, at www.amazon.co.uk

For those many Alexander Caulfield Anderson descendants who lived in New Zealand and Australia (the majority near Feilding and North Palmerston, NZ),the book is readily available through these online booksellers:
www.fishpond.com.au and www.fishpond.co.nz; www.angusrobertson.com.au; www.booktopia.com.au; and www.mightyape.co.nz -- as well as www.midpointtrade.com
The New Zealanders who would be most interested in reading Alexander Caulfield Anderson's story are those who are descended from Anderson's eldest daughter, Eliza Charlotte Anderson, who married James R. Beattie at Victoria and moved to Feilding, New Zealand (and yes, that is the way Feilding is spelled).
By the way, if you are a descendant of Alexander Caulfield Anderson, you should never be shy about contacting me; we have an active group of researchers who would like to hear from you.
I did not do all the genealogical research by myself -- we shared information and we continue to share information.

In the Hong Kong market, the book is available through www.paddyfield.com -- probably a good market for those Asian or Japanese historians interested in the story of the wreck of the Honjunmaru on the Pacific northwest coast in the early 1840's.
That's a pretty amazing list of online sources for this book -- I am really happy to see it is so well promoted overseas and in the Pacific Northwest.
I am told that the new author spends hours in searching bookstores for her newly published book, and weeks in worrying about book reviews and book prizes, and authorly stuff like that.
I guess that's the stage I am in right now.
I am told the best thing to do is to get to work on the next book -- and that is what I am ready to do.

Oh, by the way, a reader has already informed me about an error in the book.
No book is ever perfect, and so I was prepared for this.
The error appears in the coloured map in the middle of the book which shows the 1848 Anderson's River brigade Trail, and the 1849 Coquihalla Brigade trail -- the trails have been reversed.
My editor overlooked it, and so did I.
Angie will find another error in the book; it was something I learned from her just as the book was running through the presses so she will know where to look...

Blackeye the Similkameen

2011-12-03T11:31:00.000-08:00

I have stumbled on some new information that might actually allow me to identify Blackeye, the Similkameen chief Anderson met on the north side of the Coquihalla mountain in 1846, near modern day Tulameen.
Even if this is not the answer to my question, "Who is Blackeye?" it is a wonderful story and I am going to share it with you.
Firstly I will quote the story as written in "Notes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia," by George Mercer Dawson, found online at http://teitsfootsteps.files.wordpress.com/2011/01/notes-on-shuswap.pdf, published in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Section II, 1891, pp. 3-44.

[p.24] "Mr. J. W. Mackay, from different sources, has put together the following notes bearing on the early history of the Indians now inhabiting the Similkameen country. In quoting these notes, which Mr. Mackay has kindly communicated to me, I retain his orthography of the native names:--

"A long time before the white man first came to the country, a company of warriors from the neighbourhood of the Chilcotin River made their appearance in the Bonaparte Valley, apparently with the object of attacking the Indians who were there and of making slaves of such as they could take alive. This happened during the salmon-fishing season.

"At that time it was customary for the Shuswaps who lived on the banks of the Thompson River between Kamloops and the mouth of the Bonaparte and in the Bonaparte Valley, to take their winter stock of salmon from the Fraser River at the western base of the Pavilion Mountain.

"The warriors above mentioned had evidently calculated that most of the Shuswaps would be absent from their winter quarters on the Bonaparte and Thompson valleys, and would be encamped on the Fraser River during the salmon season, and that therefore they might make an easy prey of the few Indians who might be remaining in these valleys. It happened that during the previous winter provisions had been more than ordinarily scarce, in consequence of which all the Shuswaps belonging to these localities had removed to their salmon fisheries on the Fraser.

"The strangers from Chilcotin were evidently ignorant of the geography of the country into which they had penetrated, and as they saw no Shuswaps where they expected to find them, they continued their advance southward down the Bonaparte and Thompson valleys till they reached a position opposite the mouth of the Nicola River. At this place they were discovered by some scouts belonging to the N-tla-ka-pe-mooh tribe, who immediately descended to Nicoamen and Ti-kam-cheen (Lytton), where most of the members of this tribe were assembled for the salmon fishery. They gave the alarming information that a hostile company was advancing down the Thompson.

"A strong force of the N-tla-ka-pe-mooh immediately set out to intercept the strangers, and having soon ascertained their position and probable strength, established themselves both in front and behind them. The intruders, after they discovered that they were thus menaced by a force stronger than their own, took advantage of the night to cross the Thompson and proceeded to ascend the Nicola Valley. The N-tla-ka-pe-mooh followed and harassed them, continuing to do so till the strangers were driven into the Similkameen valley, where they took a firm stand, and by their prowess, obliged their pursuers to desist from molesting them. The strangers were mostly young men, who had their wives with them, but only a few children, for in these primitive days the women accompanied their husbands to war and were valuable auxiliaries. The neighbouring N-tla-ka-pe-mooh and Salish of the Okanagan soon discovered that the stranger women were larger and better looking than their own, and treaties for peace and intermarriage were made. The language of the strangers fell gradually into disuse, and only a few words of it are now remembered by the oldest Indians of the Similkameen, the N-tla-ka-pe-mooh and Okanagan dialects being now used by these people indiscriminately. These strangers, who are said to have come from the Chilcotin country, are thus the earliest inhabitants of the Similkameen valley of whom any account has been obtained.

"The traditions and legends of the British Columbia Indians would make it appear that before the advent of the whites the different tribes of Indians were constantly at war and endeavouring to enslave the weaker bands. The more northern races were the most warlike and were continually dispossessing the less warlike southern tribes of their fisheries and hunting grounds. It thus appears possible that the intruders may really have been a Tinneh tribe which was driven south before the advance of the Tinneh now inhabiting the Chilcotin region."

A footnote on page 26 says: "[Finan] Macdonald is mentioned by Ross Cox as having been in the employment of the Northwest Company in charge of a post among the Flatheads in 1812, so that the events here narrated must have occurred about the beginning of the century.

If this incident occurred in, say, 1810 when Blackeye, the Similkameen, was a young warrior twenty years of age, he would have been only fifty-six years old in 1846 when Anderson met him.
Anderson did describe him as "old Blackeye," and so there is plenty of room for him to have been ten to twenty years older -- The story fits, and is possible.
And that's always nice to know.
Let us continue; there is more.

From: "Account of the Similkameen Indians of British Columbia," by. [Mrs.] S.S. Allison, from The Journal of the Anthropoligal Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 21 (1892), pp. 305-318 (available at www.jstor.org)

[305] "Of the origin of the former inhabitants of the Similkameen I know nothing, but of the tribe at present occupying the valley tradition relates that about 150 years ago a small bank of the warlike Chilcotins, accompanied by their wives and decked out in their war paint and feathers, crossed the Frazer River on the war path to avenge a wrong (the death of a chief) inflicted on them by the Shuswaps of the Bonaparte and Thompson.

"Penetrating too far into the interior the winter suddenly set in, they found their retreat cut off and themselves hemmed in by their enemies. They were, however, in a country abounding in game of all kinds, which, together with the long black lichens that descended from the pine trees, afforded them ample sustenance.

"Establishing themselves in the upper valley of the Similkameen they manfully faced the rigours of the winters, and bravely held their own against their foes. Making friends with the Spokans (who admired the fairness of their women) they inter-married with that tribe and increased in numbers for many years till, in common with all the neighbouring tribes, they were nearly obliterated by that dire scourge, small-pox. Whether this is due to the entire change that has taken place in their food and manner of life it is hard to say, but I know from personal experience that the Similkameen Indians of to-day are totally different both physically and mentally from what they were thirty or even twenty years ago. Though the women are of small stature (possibly from the custom of marrying them before they have attained their full growth) the men average five feet six in height; their frames are lithe and muscular, their movements quick and graceful..."

She continues to describe these people and many of their customs, and I believe that for the most part she is speaking of the Chilcotins, not those who lived thre later.
She has stories of some of the Similkameens hiking over the Coquihalla to Hope, bearing goods....if this happened before 1843 that would have encouraged James Murray Yale to tell Alexander Caulfield Anderson of the trail over the Coquihalla, that resulted in his 1846 exploration from Fort Langley to Kamloops, via the Coquihalla, Nicolum and Summalo Rivers.

In the latter part of the article I found this intriguing line: "Slaves taken in war were well treated, but always had one eye blemished to mark them..."
Is that where the name Blackeye came from -- our Similkameen chief was the leader of a group of Natives who "blacked" the eyes of their slaves?

The Chilcotin people are of Athapascan or Tinneh [Dinneh] stock, and there are many mentions of Athapascans being squeezed into the lower Nicola Valley and the Similkameen.
In fact, even Diamond Jenness, in "The Indians of Canada," first published in 1932, admits as much when he says, "At the end of the eighteenth century there was a small Athapascan-speaking tribe, wedged in among these five Salishan tribes, which occupied the valley of the Nicola river and part of the valley of the Similkemeen. Early in the nineteenth century the Thompson River Indians absorbed it so completely that only a few legends, and a small vocabulary of names, bear witness to its former existence."

In George Dawson's afore-mentioned "Notes on the Shuswap," I learned that Chief Nkwala's mother was "a Similkameen woman of the Tinneh type, which is clearly shown in the physiques of her descendants to the present day."
So Nkwala's father, Pelka'mulox, probably married one of the Chilcotin women who fought their way through the Nicola valley to the Similkameen.
Tsilaxitsa, who was Nkwala's cousin, would, through Nkwala's mother, be a close relative to Blackeye, if Blackeye was actually one of those same Chilcotin warriors.

However, the further you look into the story, the more confusing it becomes!
The story might not be true at all!
I have discovered they are Chilcotin/Similkameen peoples are called the Nicola Athapaskans or Stuwi'x, today.
They lived in the Nicola valley and around Tulameen, and the last members of the group who lived near Nicola Lake were assimilated into the Secwepemc people by the end of the nineteenth century.
Historian Mark S. Wade (who happens to be in my family tree but not an Anderson) wrote that they were the first known inhabitants of the Similkameen but were driven out by the group today living there. [This book is said to be a little inaccurate and, perhaps, rushed to publication.]
The Stuwi'x retreated to Douglas, Stump, and Nicola Lakes where they were sheltered by Chief Nkwala, their close relative.

The Canadian Enclopedia informs us that: "The Nicola-Similkameen were an enclave of Athapaskans living in the Nicola and Similkameen River valleys of south central BC, surrounded by Interior Salish.
"One theory about Nicola-Similkameen settlement in this area suggests they originated from a Chilcotin Athapascan war party that stayed and intermarried with the Thompson and Okanagan Interior Salish in the mid-1700's.
"Another suggests that the Nicola-Similkameen had a long history in this area, having moved from a more northerly Athapaskan homeland many hundreds of years ago, but archaeological data have not supported this theory."

I think this question needs a lot more work before I can satisfactorily identify Blackeye and his son.
It is time to give the question a rest!

You might wonder why the Tulameen area was called the Similkameen by the fur traders.
From "Glorious Tulameen," at www.tulameenbc/com/tcc/history.pdf I find that "in the early sixties [I am assuming this in 1960's], the Tulameen River was also known as the North Similkameen.
"The two branches come together at Princeton, which was at one time called The Forks.
"There is no agreement as to the meaning of the Indian word Similkameen, but its sister word Tulameen means red earth, and refers to deposits of ochre which are common in the area.
"This ochre was formerly highly prized by the native peoples who came long distances to trade for this paint. Allison subdivision in Princeton before the white man came was called Yak-Tulameen or the place where the red earth is sold. "It was the first market place in the valley, and red ochre was our first export."

If you want to order a book from me...

2011-11-30T07:32:00.000-08:00

...and some of you (one or two) have said that they would like to do that:
The book costs $21.00 in Canadian money, including HST (which is only 5% on books).
Postage rates vary, of course, and I have discovered that books shipped to the following places have these postage rates:
England by air mail -- $17.06
North Carolina -- $8.35
Winnipeg -- $11.44 plus HST
Washington and Oregon states -- $9.90
Lillooet -- $9.70 plus HST
Kamloops -- $8.21 plus HST
If you want to purchase a book directly from me, I will of course sign it before I ship it off.
Contact me by email and I will give you my address so that you can send cheque or mail order (mail order will be faster).
Enclose enough money to cover what we think might be the postage and I will include change -- in Canadian money, probably.
The difference between American prices and Canadian is merely because the Americans have a small package rate which we Canadians do not have, and one book fits nicely into that small package rate.
Thanks a lot -- my email, if not visible anywhere, is nananderson@shaw.ca

Book Launch!!

2011-11-27T15:31:00.001-08:00

Come if you can! I think this will be a smaller, more intimate affair -- at least, I hope so.

First speech

2011-11-26T15:11:00.000-08:00

I gave my first long speech in front of the Victoria Historical Society on Thursday night, and survived the experience.
I wrote the entire speech out and read it off and it was fairly successful, and I never omitted anything or made any mistakes -- The power point worked for the most part, and so everything was okay.
But looking back on the speech, I think I would change a few things.
I am told that the maps did not show well at the back of the room, though they looked great from where my sister and I were.
Maps are hard to deal with in a power point presentation, and so I will have to do it differently.
I think I would show the map, as I did, and then prepare and show black and white maps that show the exact area we are speaking of, so that people can follow along a little better.

I also felt that the speech could have been improved if I had added a few sections where I could just talk freely -- perhaps introducing the characters to the audience. I will plan that for the future.
I found that I had to rush a little to finish, even though the speech was perfectly timed for 40 minutes, as instructed -- power point takes time and other little things will cause a delay, too.
Next time I will write a shorter speech and have little periods of time when I can just talk to the audience.
It's all a learning experience....

In my head, I start off my revised speech with the book cover and the following words:

Good evening, everyone. My name is Nancy Anderson and I am the author of The Pathfinder: A.C. Anderson's Journeys in the West, published this fall by Heritage House.
(I am not sure that's necessary as I have already been introduced).
Alexander Caulfield Anderson is best known as the Hudson's Bay Company fur trader who, in the mid-1840's, threaded his way through mountain passes and down rapid filled rivers in search of a horse-friendly trail through the rugged country that separated the Kamloops fort from Fort Langley, on the lower Fraser River.
This is the story of those four cross-country expeditions and the difficult years that followed, when the fur traders were forced to make their way over the new trails to the coast -- horses fell from clifftops carrying valuable trade goods with them, and frustrated fur traders had fist fights while their French Canadian employees deserted at Fort Langley for an easier life in the California gold fields.....
The information presented in this talk is taken from Anderson's records, and the reports and letters of the other fur traders such as Henry Newsham Peers, Donald Manson, and Peter Skene Ogden.

[Maybe here I would insert a little paragraph telling people what I am going to tell them, to prevent confusion, ie.:]
I will tell you where the brigade trails ran before 1846, when Anderson was granted permission to explore for a new trail between Kamloops and the coast;
I will explain why the fur traders had to find a new trail, and what forced them to use the new trail before it was ready;
I will describe what happened on the difficult 1848 brigade, and how they found a new trail in 1849; and I will tell you a little about some of the people who were involved in opening up these trails.

Image: Simple map of old brigade trail, Fort St. James to Kamloops:

Before 1843, the outgoing New Caledonia brigades started their journey in Fort St. James, carrying their furs downriver by boat to Fort Alexandria, south of modern day Prince George.
There they loaded their packs onto horses and followed their brigade trail east across the Thompson plateau to the North Thompson River. They swam their horses across the river and rode down its rugged east bank into the Kamloops fort.

The trail that led south from Kamloops was first used two hundred years ago, and was in regular use all the way up to 1847, when everything changed.
The trail led them past Monte Lake and followed the hills that lined the west shore of Okanagan Lake. It passed through Summerland and Oliver, along the west shore of Osoyoos Lake and reached the Columbia River at Fort Okanogan.

At Fort Okanogan the fur traders loaded their furs into boats and headed downriver toward Fort Vancouver.
At Fort Nez Perce they stopped again. Just east of Fort Nez Perce was an American mission -- called the Waiilatpu Mission -- that in 1848 will play an important role in Anderson's story.
The boats reached Fort Vancouver in early June, and departed in July for the Okanogan post.
In August they approached Fort Alexandria and everyone rushed out of the fort to help them the last miles home.
By September they had returned to Fort St. James, where they had begun their journey five months earlier.

In the early 1840's the fur traders looked for a new trail to cut off the difficult trail via the North Thompson River and Kamloops.
The suggested trail led north from Kamloops Lake, around the south end of Loon Lake and the north end of Green Lake.
In the area around Lac la Hache it joined the old brigade trail that led west to Fort Alexandria.
When Anderson re-entered the territory in 1842, on his way to Fort Alexandria, he rode over the trail; the following spring he brought the brigade out by this new route and this was the first time the trail was used as the brigade trail.

Image: 4 Explorations Map (See book for this map), with a talk on where Fort Langley is on the map, and where Kamloops is, and how Anderson drew the map.

Now that we have covered the background, I will tell you of Anderson's four expeditions across country in 1846 and 1847, and the international forces that caused the fur traders such anxiety over these next few years:
The boundary line between the the United States and British territories had already been established to the eastern edge of the Rocky Mountains.
In the early 1840's, the fur traders were aware that the British and American governments were now negotiating the placement of the boundary line west of the Rocky Mountains -- between Oregon Territory and so-called British territories.
Only Natives, HBC fur traders, and the first rush of American settlers who had come over the Oregon Trail, jointly occupied Oregon Territory (what would later become Oregon, Washington, and North Idaho.)
Anderson thought the fur traders might eventually require a trail to Fort Langley, on the lower Fraser River, from whence they could transfer their furs to Fort Victoria and London.
He offered to explore for that new route, and the governor of the Company immediately accepted his offer.

Image: Photograph, Hell's Gate Canyon

It was 1846. The fur traders already knew they could not reach Fort Langley by boat through the two rapid-filled canyons (Hell's Gate and Black Canyon) that blocked the Fraser River between Kamloops and Fort Langley.
But the fur traders also knew that Natives from above Hell's Gate and Black Canyons traded at Fort Langley, and that the Sto:lo on the lower Fraser travelled north past those canyons.
There must be a trail around the two canyons, and Anderson was expected to find it!

Image: Photograph, Brigade Trail behind Alexandra Lodge, Fraser Canyon Highway

The trail had to be horse friendly. The country must provide good grass and water for the horses, and the trail bed must be solid enough underfoot that two hundred heavily laden packhorses could pass in safety both ways.
Switchbacks were needed on steep hillsides to allow the horses to clamber safely up or down, and safe fords or bridges must be provided if the horses crossed deep creeks in the season of high water.

Image: Map of route from Kamloops to Anderson and Seton Lakes, and down Lilloet River to Fort Langley

In summer 1846, Anderson's party of six men started off from the Kamloops fort, and rode down the south shore of Kamloops Lake to cross the Thompson River at the lake's west end.
His party rode westward through turbulent Deadman River and the Bonaparte; they followed Hat Creek to Marble Canyon and joined the Fraser River at Pavilion, and followed the river's east shore south to the place where the Natives gathered at their fishery.
There Anderson looked at the end of massive Fountain Ridge, and realized he could not take horses there. Leaving the animals behind, he crossed the Fraser in borrowed canoes and led his men down the west bank of the Fraser, as far as the mouth of Seton River.
They walked along the north shores of Seton and Anderson lakes, and hiked over various heights of land until they stumbled on the Lillooet River.
At a village they borrowed canoes, and their Lil'wat paddlers brought them quickly and efficiently down that rapid filled river to Fort Langley.

An archeologist/anthropologist who does research among the Lil'wat people who live on today's Lillooet River, collected a story from one woman, who said her many-times-great-grandmother, as a child, had been hidden away by her parents because 'strangers were coming downriver.'
He figured out the generations and thought the story had taken place about 1850 -- close enough to 1846 for it to have possibly been Anderson's descent of the Lillooet River.

(Isn't it amazing that the story came down to this woman through the many generations of women who came before her?)

Image: Photograph, The Coquihalla from Fort Langley

This is the Coquihalla mountain range behind Hope, as seen from Fort Langley. Imagine Anderson and James Murray Yale standing on the bank of the Fraser and looking at these hills, while Yale tells Anderson of a trail that ran through or around these mountains.
Yale had arranged that a Sto:lo chief named Pahallak would guide Anderson by one of his trails through this mountain range.
Anderson's party travelled upriver from Fort Langley, and after a short diversion to explore the Silverhope River (which Anderson eliminated because of rocks on the route) they began to walk up the banks of the Coquihalla River.

Image: Map of B.C., Coquihalla Detail (see book for this map)

They followed the Nicolum River east, crossing over the ridge of land that separated that river from the Sumallo -- where the Hope Slide blocks the valley today.
At Rhododendron Flats (Manning Park), they climbed up the south side of the Coquihalla to the top of the mountain, where they found the entire plateau covered in snow, deep enough that horses could not traverse it.
They crossed the plateau in a south to north direction, and followed the rocky canyon of the Tulameen River down the Coquihalla's north side to open country, where they met two Similkameen Natives -- Blackeye and his son-in-law.
Blackeye told Anderson of a Native trail to the to of the mountain: "It is of course very short as compared with the long and painful circuit made by us," Anderson said. "The road mentioned by Blackeye is that by which all, or most, of the Indians of the neighbourhood proceed every summer, in July, to the height of land with their horses to hunt Siffleurs (marmots) and gather roots; a journey of two days with their loaded horses. He expressed his willingness to guide us through it at the proper season, but like the rest of the country in that vicinity, it is impassable at present owing to the snow."

Anderson returned to Fort Alexandria (where he was posted) -- One year later, in 1847, Peter Skene Ogden instructed Anderson to make another exploration, this time down the banks of the Fraser River to Fort Langley -- to see if a snow free route could be discovered.
When Anderson set off from Kamloops, he was already aware that the Similkameen people, who lived on the Similkameen and Tulameen Rivers south of the Nicola Valley, had recently opened a trail that led from the banks of the Fraser River all the way up the hills to the Nicola Valley.
The fur traders had arranged that Blackeye show Anderson the trail, but the Similkameen man was not at the meeting place when Anderson made his journal entries that night.
Sometime later -- perhaps days later -- Blackeye's son joined Anderson's party.

Image: Photograph, Thompson's River

From the Nicola Valley, Anderson rode to the mouth of the Nicola River and, leaving the horses behind, crossed the river in borrowed canoes.
He and his men walked down the south bank of the Thompson River toward modern day Lytton, and next day met their Sto:lo guide, Pahallak, where the Thompson flowed into the Fraser.
Pahallak travelled with "..a large concourse of Indians of every age and sex," Anderson recorded. "They are on their good behaviour and show every external desire to conciliate, but they are a scampish looking set of vagabonds; nor does their ordinary conduct, I believe, at all belie their looks; and though there is little to be apprehended from them under present circumstances, we are of course, as usual, on our guard."
They camped for the night at the meeting place and began their walk downriver the next day.
One day later they reached the Native settlement Anderson called Squa-zowm, at the west end of the newly opened Similkameen trail.
If Blackeye's son hadn't arrived before this time, he and his close relative, Chief Nkwala's nephew, met Anderson near modern-day Boston Bar, where Squa-zowm village stood.

Image: Lake Mountain from North Bend, with a word on Boston Bar, Anderson River, and the location of Hell's Gate and Black Canyons just around the corner of the river.

Blackeye's son led the fur traders up his newly opened Similkameen trail, and at a place that two of Anderson's men recognized, they paused. The men assured Anderson that, from this place there already existed a reasonably good horse road that would take them all the way to the Nicola Valley and Kamloops.
Now Anderson had only to find the trail to Fort Langley, past Hell's Gate and Black Canyons and the miles of rapid-filled river north of modern day Yale.
From the mainstream of the river, the Natives led Anderson's party up a cliff climbing trail that took them to the top of Lake Mountain, where another long sloping trail led them southward to a Native village called Kequeloose, on the Fraser River south of the two canyons.

Image: Fraser River at one of its narrow points (just so everyone gets the idea the journey wasn't that easy....)

From there they crossed the Fraser and made their way downriver -- with some difficulties -- until they were able to borrow canoes to bring them to Fort Langley.
Anderson's party immediately returned up the canyons bringing two unloaded boats to Kequeloose -- again, with some difficulties -- and followed his Native guides up the trail to the Nicola Valley, on foot.

Image: Tsilaxitsa portrait in colour (it's in black and white, in the book)

When the party reached open country, Anderson wrote a note to his clerk, giving him instructions: "The chief part of our survey being now completed, I propose entrusting to your care the further charge of the party...therefore you will proceed to Okanagan with the horses, accompanied by the men herein named -- Fallardeau, Lacourse, and Desautel remain with you. Also Nicholas' nephew, Blackeye's son, and Laronetumleun -- the last as interpreter."
In later years Anderson wrote that he rode many miles with Nkwala's nephew Tsilaxitsa, who was to become the most prominent Okanagan chief of his time.
I suspect that Tsilaxitsa and Blackeye's son, and other Native men who remain forever unnamed, regularly worked for the fur traders, helping them take out their furs and bring in the trade goods.

(At this point we are 15 minutes into the 45 minute talk!)

Image: Map of lower Columbia with Fort Nez Perce showing, and Waiilatpu Mission

About the time Anderson was making his 1847 exploration, measles, which had come north with Natives who traded for horses in California, spread slowly through the Columbia district south of Fort Okanogan.
Measles is an illness that spreads in crowded conditions, and Natives gathered in large numbers around the Waiilatpu mission, east of Fort Nez Perce.
Many died -- so many that the Cayuse chiefs became convinced the missionary was intentionally killing them with poison.
When he failed a test they set for him, the Cayuse swarmed into the mission-house, slaughtering fourteen residents and taking many hostages.

Image: Peter Skene Ogden

When news of the massacre reached Fort Vancouver, Peter Skene Ogden travelled east up the Columbia river to purchase the hostages and settle the tribes.
However, the result of the massacre was the Cayuse war that erupted amongst many of the Native tribes along the Columbia River.
The river was no longer safe for travel, and Peter Skene Ogden and James Douglas immediately instructed the fur traders of Fort St. James, Kamloops and Fort Colvile (on the Columbia River near Spokane) to bring their furs out to Fort Langley by one of Anderson's unimproved trails.

The two men chose the Squa-zowm River trail over Lake Mountain, and Douglas travelled to the Fraser River to assess how easy it would be to travel downriver to the new Fort Yale.
He was horrified by the river rapids and, discovering a rough passage that led through a rift in the rocks on the west side of the river, he ordered that a good road be built through it. This was the Douglas portage, north of modern day Yale.

Before 1848, a typical brigade generally consisted of about 200 horses. The gentlemen rode at the head of the column, and behind them came the provisioning brigade.
Next came the bell mare, that trotted in front of the many individual brigades of heavily laden pack horses. In a normal year, each string (or brigade) of seven to nine horses was in the care of two men responsible both for the horses and the loads they carried.
But in 1848, close to four hundred horses -- including many unbroken animals -- came out in the hands of fifty men, many of whom would not be returning with the brigades.
The outgoing brigade left Kamloops in late May, and travelled over the hills south of the fort before following the Coldwater River west.
They crossed the plateau and rounded the range of hills before dropping down the west side of the ridge, to the Squa-zowm river, which they now called Anderson's River.
Then up the cliffs to the plateau atop Lake Mountain where they passed Hell's Gate and Black Canyons -- down the long sloping hills to the village at Kequeloose and downriver to Spuzzum Creek, where they crossed their loads in "barges" that were difficult to handle and drowned some of their horses as they swam them across the river.
They arrived at Fort Yale in early June, and Anderson wrote: "It is needless to enumerate the difficulties which we had to encounter and surmount; suffice it to say that we continued to reach Fort Yale, which had meanwhile been established, and thence ran down speedily to Langley."

The outgoing brigades had carried out their packs of furs and castoreum -- the incoming brigades would now carry in trade goods -- packs of iron goods and axe heads, balls and black powder and flints for trade guns, salt, tobacco in 90 pound rolls or in carrots, awls for sewing leather, needles and fabric, ledgers for use as post journals and ink cakes to use with goose feather pens they made themselves.
The brigade would also return with fewer men -- nine men sent out with the Fort Colvile crew returned to Fort Vancouver and three men deserted at Fort Langley.

But a young gentleman named Henry Newsham Peers joined the brigade, and he kept a journal of the trip in.
They started off from Fort Langley, and Anderson travelled in the first cluster of four boats, with five more to come under Donald Manson's command.

Image: Donald Manson, with a description of this colourful and historic man

Anderson later described the upriver journal to Yale: "Hitherto, bateaux of about three burthern have been employed by the Hudson's Bay Company, for transport below the Falls (at Yale) -- a slow method when the water is high, as the ascent can then be effected only by warping along shore, with the aid of Indian canoes to pass the lines. By this tedious process, an ascent was made during the freshet of 1848, to the foot of the Falls (at Yale), in eight days; under ordinary circumstances, it would occupy five."
This was also the season of the Native fisheries, and Donald Manson reported: "The multitude of Indians who congregate on the banks of Frasers River at that season and who gave us a good deal of annoyance in passing...would render this route if not dangerous, at least a very precarious one, for our heavily encumbered and weakly [manned] brigade...."

From Peers' journal, on passing over the Douglas portage north of Fort Yale: "I and Mr. Manson left Ft. Yale on the 2nd August with the last trip 30 horses to rejoin Mr. Anderson at the other end; We got on very well on the portage with the exception of a couple of horses falling in the ascent of the big hill & some little confusion in a swampy part of the road rendered worst than its original state by the frequent passing & re-passing of horses. There is a pretty gradual ascent (one stiff hill intervening) as far as Douglas' River where there is a steep descent of about 700 feet to a bridge & a somewhat steeper though shorter ascent on the opposite side of this ravine, thence a level road till within a mile of Spuzzum River or Simon's House where the road descends pretty gradually to that place -- we were about three hours coming across & encamped on the south side of the Fraser River."

Simon's House was a little building constructed at the north end of Douglas portage, on the west side of the Fraser. Peers continues: "Remained at this encampment three days crossing Baggage & horses, etc., found all the goods correct & started on the 6th at 3pm. with some 500 & upwards pieces of goods in 15 brigades each brigade having 18 & some a greater number of horses to 2 men."

They travelled about six miles up the east bank of the Fraser to the place where the Alexandra brigade now crosses the river, and Peers said: "We encamped at the foot of Big Hill where the road leaves Fraser River, many of Brigades only arriving when pitch dark and consequently great confusion from horses straying with their loads and so forth; several fell down a steep hill on nearing the encampment...from weakness, threw their loads & a bale was swept off in the river before it could be seized & one animal killed."

Image: Jacob Ballenden's grave, with a short explanation

Peers's journal continues the next day: "Rainy weather -- this morning Jacob Ballenden was found dead near the encampment with his gun discharged by his side, shot through the heart. It is supposed he committed suicide. The day was spent in collecting strayed horses with their loads and all found but 6 pieces and another horse killed. A war party of the Chute Indians against those of Anderson's River passed the camp and created some little alarm...Nothing I may say here for the horses to feed on."

The brigades climbed Lake Mountain and descended the cliffs on the other side, to Anderson's River, and Peers records: "Some of the rear brigades got on very badly and 80 pieces were found deficient...Remained here today till the lost pieces should be brought in all of which were rendered but 2 bales...very little for the horses to eat."
Then they began the climb from Anderson's River to the top of the hills via Utzlius Creek, eventually reaching "a small patch of thinly wooded ground in which had been constructed a miserable horse-park. Two or three of the rear brigades arrived when quite dark and many horses necessarily strayed away before they could be freed from their loads, passing the night with the rest in the woods under a heavy thunder storm with little or nothing to eat."
Peers recorded that the horses were "much reduced from this constant want of food and the hard labour they had already undergone in the ups & downs of such a rugged & mountainous tract of country -- the pieces all but two or three were recovered after much searching and order was again restored. The Indians who had been employed for the last four days in searching for and bringing lost goods to the camp were paid off and seemed satisfied although there is some doubt as to their honesty."
The next day they camped five miles from the top of the hill; and men in the latter brigades went without supper (if you remember, the provisioning brigade was at the head of the column). On the following day Anderson rode ahead to the top of the hill, while Manson sent Natives out to search for more packs. At the end of the day the fur traders found they were still missing: "six bags of salt, two bags of ball and two rolls of Tobacco." [I mentioned at this point that each of these bags and rolls weighed ninety pounds.]

Anderson sent fresh horses back to Manson and Peers -- and Peers reported that "the early part of today was devoted to catching and loading young horses, about which some time was wasted." [this always happened in the brigades.]
The next afternoon Manson and Peers caught up to Anderson's brigades on the Coldwater River. The brigade reached Kamloops on August 22nd, and the gentlemen held a meeting to discuss the trail.
Manson reported that: "The new route to Fort Langley was found by me...to possess so many impediments, dangers and difficulties that I considered it my duty to condemn it as utterly [useless] for a large brigade such as ours, and Mr. Anderson, who discovered and recommended it as a questionable for our brigades is now convinced of his error. Such a rugged and mountainous country I never before traversed with horses...."

(At this point we are a half hour into the 3/4 hour talk)

About 70 valuable horses had been lost or killed, 27 on the return journey alone. This route was far too difficult, and the gentlemen agreed that the snow-covered trail over the Coquihalla must be tried.
They sent Henry Peers with Edouard Montigny, one of Anderson's men, to Blackeye's camp to ask that he show them his trail to the top of the Coquihalla.
Their actual guide was Blackeye's son, who took them up his father's trail to the top of the plateau, and then guided them due west, across the mountaintop, to a stream he called Sowaqua.
He pointed out his trail down the west side of the mountain, by streams that later came to be called Peers Creek and the Coquihalla River. Peers and Montigny followed the streams to the Fraser, where they borrowed canoes and made their way to Fort Langley.
At Fort Victoria, Peers told James Douglas of his successful journey over the mountains, and Douglas immediately ordered the construction of a new fort near the mouth of the Coquihalla River. He put Peers in charge of building Fort Hope, and also of opening the new trail to the top of the Coquihalla plateau.
Problems occurred almost immediately. Snow began to fall early in the season and it kept falling and the trail up the Coquihalla River valley was buried under deep drifts of snow and remained that way all winter.
In the interior forts the heavy snowfall killed so many horses the fur traders thought they couldn't have enough animals left alive to carry out their furs in the spring.

Image: Anderson's drawing of Kamloops, 1849, (in the book, in colour) and an explanation:

In early 1849, Peter Skene Ogden and James Douglas thought long and hard about the depth of snow on the Coquihalla plateau, and instructed the fur traders to bring out the furs by the Anderson River trail used in 1848.
Anderson, now in charge at Fort Colvile, led his men northward to Kamloops, arriving in May 1849. No improvement had been made on the almost impassible Anderson River trail, and the brigades took ten days to reach Fort Langley from Kamloops.
All the fur traders knew it was too dangerous to travel upriver through the Native fisheries a second time. As they came downriver through Yale, Manson instructed Anderson to go to the new Fort Hope and open up the trail up the Coquihalla River.
However, Anderson was now a chief trader and Manson's equal, and he refused, and came down to Fort Langley where James Douglas awaited them and ensured that everything ran smoothly.
Anderson supervised the unloading and re-loading of his boats, and as soon as possible he pushed his men and boats upriver to the new Fort Hope, where they began work on the trail.
When the pack horses that had been sent over the mountain from Kamloops finally arrived at Fort Hope, Anderson packed what Fort Colvile goods he could take on the horses assigned to him, and advised Manson of his decision to leave. The two gentlemen "exchanged high words."
The Fort Colvile men found the passage over the mountain quick and easy even though the trail was unfinished. Once over the mountain, Anderson avoided the long detour north to Kamloops, and led his men through the Similkameen River valley to Osoyoos Lake. They crossed the lake on one of its eskers, and riding over Anarchist Mountain, reached the Kettle River and followed it south to the Columbia River a few miles south of Fort Colvile.

Back at Fort Hope, Donald Manson worried about the unknown-to-him brigade trail across the Coquihalla. He travelled upriver to Fort Yale and Simon's House to see if it was possible to take his brigades out by that more familiar route, but at Simon's House he found many of his horses starved from lack of grass, or killed by Native fishermen.
But while he was checking out the possibilities there, the Nicola Valley Natives who had ridden over the Coquihalla to Fort Hope (on his instructions), followed him upriver to Fort Yale and told him the trail over the mountain was clear and easy to cross.
Manson left Fort Hope with whatever horses he could scrape together, but he could not carry out all his supplies, and the shortage of trade goods plagued him for the entire year that followed.

For Anderson, at Fort Colvile, it was a different matter. He probably left Fort Hope with the idea of returning to pick up the remainder of his goods.
He sent men and fresh horses back to Fort Hope to bring in his remaining supplies, and the Fort Colvile men made the second journey in short order.
A few weeks later, reports of Anderson's and Manson's argument at Fort Hope reached the ears of the gentlemen at Fort Vancouver, and Ogden and Douglas arranged that the Kamloops and Fort Colvile brigades travel over the mountain separately.
For the next few summers, James Douglas travelled to Fort Langley to meet the brigades -- because, as Peter Skene Ogden wrote, "without a conductor the gentlemen are not competent to conduct their own affairs, trifling as they are, and a separation is absolutely necessary as Pugilistic affairs between the two leaders is not exactly the proper mode of conduct in Brigades in the presence of the Company's servants."

Neither Manson nor Anderson would have called their affairs "trifling."
Their journeys over the mountains were, at times, difficult to impossible. Stress levels were high and remained high, the work was hard and there were sometimes heavy losses, and pay was low.
They worried about having enough men to do the work the fur trade demanded -- fewer men were joining the fur trade and the quality of the men that reached the Columbia district and New Caledonia was in a constant decline.
Moreover, many of their voyageurs attempted to desert the fur trade and make their way to the California gold fields.
Even Ogden sympathized with the deserters when he wrote: "What inducement does the fur trade hold out. None. They look around them on all sides and behold nothing but old men covered with grey hairs, having given forty years servitude and still steeped in poverty."

When the brigades came out in the summer of 1850 they found the trails much improved. From Campement du Femmes at the base of the mountain (on its north side), the Fort Colvile brigades followed Blackeye's trail twelve miles up to Lodestone Lake.
Another twelve miles brought them to a camp on the Tulameen River at Podunk Creek -- where Anderson's exploration of 1846 crossed the brigade trail that resulted from that exploration.
The next day they camped at Deer Camp, and nineteen miles further reached Manson's Camp, at the head of Peers Creek. Fifteen more miles brought them down Peers Creek and the Coquihalla River into Fort Hope, where they loaded their goods into boats and drifted downriver to Fort Langley.
By 1850 the new brigade trail was established and successful, though there were still hiccups. The shortage of horses in the interior remained a problem, and one portion of the trail still caused difficulties for the brigades.
The fur traders spent anxious years trying to find an alternative piece of trail for the part that descended Manson's Mountain, but never succeeded.
By 1852 Anderson was no longer riding over the trail, and could not suggest an alternative route -- his pathway down the wide valley that led up the south side of the mountain from the Sumallo River and Rhododendron Flats.
He had moved on and was happily or unhappily retired near Fort Vancouver.
He would pop up again in 1858, when he came to Fort Victoria and took responsibility for opening the first highway into the interior over the route of his first exploration via the Lillooet River to the Fraser River above the canyons.
By this trail, thousands of eager gold miners accessed the Fraser River gold fields north of the same canyons that had confounded the fur traders in 1848.

Historians often call the Harrison-Lillooet trail British Columbia's first highway, but I think the Coquihalla brigade trail -- or Blackeye's son's trail -- deserves that designation.
But whichever trail you feel opened up the province, Anderson played a part in finding it.
In 1860 the soldiers and engineers of the Columbia Detachment of the Royal Engineers substantially widened the Harrison Lillooet trail that Anderson had first explored in 1846, turning it into a good wagon road.
Then the Royal Engineers carved a good road out of the cliff faces between Yale and Boston Bar above the rapids and falls that had so troubled the brigades in 1848 and 1849. By Autumn 1862 their road reached Lytton, and in 1863 the first Alexandra Bridge crossed the Fraser River north of Spuzzum, its eastern end resting near the place where Anderson's men had buried Jacob Ballenden in 1848.
All these important roads are, one way or another, Anderson's trails -- and all of them helped to create the colony.
However the most important of these trails was the one that finally brought the fur traders over the Coquihalla range to Fort Langley; without it the history and importance of Fort Langley and Fort Victoria would have been severely impacted.
If Anderson had not been able to open up the brigade trail, what would have happened? How would the fur traders have brought their furs to the coast?

In 1975, historian Derek Pethick wrote that Anderson's "discovery of a practical, all British artery for the fur trade was to have a profound effect on the history of not only British Columbia, but also of Canada itself." Without Anderson's explorations, he said, British Columbia could hardly have come into being, and would never have become a part of Canada as it is today.

That was a three-quarter of an hour speech! and it appeared to be well received and everyone heard me -- which is the most important thing.
I'll work on making better maps for future presentations, and maybe I'll write shorter speeches so I can relax a little in between sections of the talk -- that would be nice for everyone including me.
People asked questions after the talk, and most of them were about Anderson's 1867 map of British Columbia.
I am quite disappointed that no one asked me what 'castoreum' was -- I had the perfect answer (which I got from a vegan site):
It is described as a "bitter, orange-brown, odoriferous, oily secretion, found in two sacs between the anus and the external genitals of the beavers."
Natives used it to attract beaver to their traps; Europeans used it in perfumes for its refined, leathery nuances.
It is still used today in perfumes, but also as a natural flavouring added to cigarettes and candies.

Thanks, everyone. I am still cleaning up all the papers, etc., that hit the floor when I am writing a speech or doing the last editing in the book.
We'll talk in a week or so, as I will have some free time -- until I speak in the middle of January in Hope.
Well, that's not quite correct -- the book launch is being held on December 1st -- one week away, but I am feeling quite relaxed by that.
It will I think be a smaller and more personal talk -- a little more relaxed.

Geneaology of the Okanagan people

2011-11-19T11:08:00.000-08:00

For those of you who are looking for ways to research how you might have descended from Okanagan chiefs such as Nkwala, his nephew Tsilaxitsa, his son Selixt-asposem, or his close relative amongst the Similkameens, "Blackeye," then I have a new resource for you.
I will be using this resource when I try to discover what Blackeye's Native name might have been, and what name his son might have carried.
I just haven't got there yet -- I have a whole bunch of other stuff I have to do first (and as you can see, I am delaying).
This resource is online, and available to everyone....
Here it is:
"Genealogy of the Okanagon Chiefs" in Teit's The Okanagan.
Bureau of American Ethnology.
Annual Report to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1930?
Online at http://teitsfootsteps.files.wordpress.com/2011/01/the-okanagon.pdf
See Pages 263-278.

There you go -- start your search, and I hope you find what you are looking for.
I have more information to pass on to the two or three people I already talk to -- be patient and start with this.
By the way, I noticed that Jean Baptiste Leolo (Lolo) is mentioned as belonging to Tsilaxitsa's family tree, so if you are descended from him or from Jean Baptiste Vautrin (Fort Alexandria employee) maybe you also should take a peak.

Heritage House Author's Celebration

2011-11-19T09:19:00.000-08:00

As all of you know, the Heritage House Author's Celebration was held on Thursday, November 17, at The Maritime Museum of British Columbia, Bastion Square.
There were six speakers in the first part of the evening, and then we enjoyed a half hour break when we "nibbled, sipped and mingled."
Most of the people who were coming to see me arrived at that time, so I was busy meeting and greeting my own friends.

I was the last speaker in the second section of the program, and it was after nine o'clock when I got up onto the spectacular podium they have -- the raised platform on which Judge Matthew Begbie Bailey sat in judgement.
You will remember, I hope, that I told you this was an old courtroom -- one of the first in the country (was this where Alexander Caulfield Anderson stood when he told the prosecuting attorney that he lied, I wonder?)
Have I got your curiosity? Read the book.

Bob Griffin spoke just before me -- he is the Royal British Columbia Museum curator who is in charge of the Latin Bible and various other Alexander Caulfield Anderson items stored in the Museum.
He wrote a book on some of the Museum's artifacts, which should be interesting feeding. The book's title is "Feeding the Family."

Here is my speech, for those of you unable to make it to the Celebration:

"Good evening, everyone. My name is Nancy Marguerite Anderson, and I am the author of The Pathfinder: A.C. Anderson's Journeys in the West.

"His full name (and one he almost always used) was Alexander Caulfield Anderson.

"He was the Hudson's Bay Company fur trader who, in the mid-1800's, threaded his way through mountain passes and down rapid-filled rivers in search of a horse-friendly trail through the rugged country that separated the Kamloops fort from Fort Langley, on the lower Fraser River.

"Over the summers of 1846 and 1847, Anderson made four expeditions to and from Fort Langley and discovered two possible routes -- both of which passed the canyons and rapids that, years before, had foiled both Alexander Mackenzie (in 1793) and Simon Fraser (in 1808).

"His work should have been done at this point -- but in 1848, Native uprisings on the Columbia River -- the fur traders' traditional route to Fort Vancouver, in modern day Washington state -- forced them to bring their furs out to Fort Langley by one of Anderson's unfinished horse trails.

"The journey out to Fort Langley was a chaotic disaster -- the return journey to Kamloops no better. Horses fell from cliff tops carrying valuable trade goods with them, and frustrated fur traders had fist fights while voyageurs deserted Fort Langley for an easier life in the California gold fields, and one man took his own life rather than tackle the return journey home!

"The following year proved equally difficult, and three or fours years passed before the fur traders had a reasonable, if not entirely satisfactory, trail into the interior forts from Fort Langley.

"Anderson was there. He lived and worked through these turbulent years and he left a written record of those difficult times in his various post journals and in the private letters he wrote to the Governor of the company.

"He was a writer and historian; even as a young man in the fur trade he wrote manuscripts for publication that recorded historical details not written elsewhere...

"He was an artist who painted images of the Kamloops fort and of the Fraser River; he drew maps on which he marked all the old trails the Hudson's Bay Company men travelled.

"Because Anderson left behind such a comprehensive record of the turbulent years he lived through, he is considered by historians to be a significant figure in early British Columbia history.

"Derek Pethick noted that, without Anderson's explorations, British Columbia could hardly have come into being. "His discovery of an all-British artery for the fur trade was to have a profound effect on the history of not only British Columbia, but also of Canada itself."

[Pause] "Alexander Caulfield Anderson was my great-grandfather, and I wanted to know who he was. It took me ten years to research his story; I accessed archives in Australia, in Scotland, and across the North American continent (and of course the Hudson's Bay Company archives in Winnipeg.)

"As I wrote the book, I learned things that threatened to destroy the historic and heroic fur trade figure that lived inside my head.

"There were many occasions when I flinched -- but I think those "flinches" transformed Anderson into a man, with quirks and flaws and character and kindness and a "poetic courtesy" -- an extraordinary human being.

"I loved the long journey of uncovering Alexander Caulfield Anderson, the man -- I hope that you, too, will discover this complex, intelligent, and talented man for yourself -- that you, too, will take pleasure in plumbing the depths of this man's story, which is also British Columbia's history."

My speech took five minutes, and I think it sold the book rather than the opposite.
My sister said she cried; the woman next to her touched her arm and told her "she's wonderful!"
I was -- except for a little muffle at the beginning I was word perfect!
I was word perfect because I wrote a speech, and followed it -- I was calm because I wolfed down a big pasta meal beforehand.
Two tricks that reeeeaaally work...

I also wrote a good speech because I spent at least two weeks writing it.
Good speeches take work.

When I finished the talk I looked at my speech and thought -- yes, that really is why I wrote the book.
I wanted to discover the man behind the history.
I have had so much trouble in writing a strong "statement of story and theme" for interviewers.
The first line was fine -- but how to end it?
Now I know.

Thanks everyone for your support. It was too bad that the foul weather -- miserable cold, hard rain and threat of snow -- kept so many people away from the event.
But when I left the hall I noticed that no more of my books were left on the Heritage House table, and I presume they sold all they brought.
I know I signed quite a few.
I signed one book (before it was paid for) to the man who told me that Anderson was the most significant figure in British Columbia history, and I saw his eyes light up when he saw the coloured illustrations in the middle of the book.
If he liked what he saw, I think you will, too.

Now I have to get to work and finish writing the speech I am giving in front of the Victoria Historical Society in five days!
I have only the closing to write, and the rest of the speech to perfect.
Then the power point images to prepare.
Almost done.

More on George Simpson, the Governor's son

2011-11-13T15:03:00.000-08:00

"Always great to read your posts," a regular reader wrote, "Ohhh, but where is the romance in you?
"You did not mention the wedding of young (or not so young) George Simpson to Isabella was shared with John D. Manson, who married another Yale daughter, Aurelia.
"It was a pageant on the Fraser attended by Governor Douglas."
And she (or he, but if some one is scolding me for not being romantic, I think its the she part of the couple) sent me the story from the book, Pioneer Women of Vancouver Island, which reads:
"The Brigade, their one hundred horses left at Hope, used to come to Langley with their chief Traders, Ogden, McLean, and their clerks.
"They brought rich loads of furs and stopped with us for a few days selecting their outfits for the year.
"My younger sister and I were married at the same time. She married Mr. G. Simpson, son of Sir George Simpson.
"He was much older than my husband [John D. Manson]...

"Our wedding ceremonies were performed by the Governor, Sir James Douglas, in the presence of his daughter, Miss Agnes, his niece, Miss Cameron, Mr. Dallas, Mr. Pemberton, and Mr. Golledge and Mr. Ogden of Stuart Lake.
"Captain Mouat gave the signal to the men who were waiting, and seven guns were fired from the fort to salute the weddings of the Chief Traders daughters.

"Mr. Ogden suggested a canoe ride after the ceremonies. So the boats were brought out, manned by the voyageurs.
"The Governor, the Chief Trader and bridal party took the first canoe.
"The remainder of the party followed in the other one.
"I can see it all still. We paddled up the Fraser River, the Canadiens singing their Boat Song.

"Those days are gone forever."

The person who mourned the loss of those days is, of course, Chief Trader James Murray Yale's daughter, Aurelia, who married Donald Manson's son, John D. Manson.
And I agree, it was a very romantic story.
I wonder if I can add anything to it, from young James R. Anderson's memoirs.
James knew everyone!

"It was in 1850 that I first saw Mr. Yale," James writes.
"He was then a man of about 50 years of age, of medium height, somewhat dark complexion, and of a rather taciturn demeanour, well-fitted for the post he was then in charge of as the Indians at that time were occasionally apt to be troublesome...

"I am not informed as to whom Mr.. Yale married, but at the time alluded to he had three daughters -- Eliza, who became the wife of Mr. Henry N.Peers, Aurelia, and Isabella.
"The two latter children were, at that time, pupils at the only school in the country, in the Hudson's Bay Company fort at Victoria, under the Rev. Robert John Staines, M.A. of Cambridge, and Mrs. Staines.
"The union of Miss Eliza Yale and Mr. Peers was productive of five children, the only ones that I ever knew being Minna and Brenda...
"The Misses Aurelia and Isabella Yale married respectively Mr. J. D. Manson, and Mr. George Simpson.
"Isabella died some years ago but Aurelia is still living, a widow, near Royal Oak, being about 90 years old."

Well, that explains it all -- James Robert Anderson is my great uncle.
He was clearly not a romantic man if he did not write about that marriage.
And I guess I didn't inherit the romantic gene either....
Too bad.

But James does go on to describe Henry Newsham Peers as a man of "quite a gay temperament, handsome and debonair."
Bruce Watson says that Peers was "hard drinking but worked competently in the dying days of the fur trade."
He was also "a fine violinist and good oil painter," and had some map-making skills even before he entered the fur trade.
Now the mystery -- According to Watson: "Upon his return [from London] he appeared to fall under the influence of friends and would do anything they told him.
"It was suspected he was being drugged by them.
"Henry Newsham Peers died there on the Colquitz farm on March 27, 1864 no doubt from the effects of a lifetime of drinking.
"When Peers died, his father in law, J. M. Yale, felt that he had been poisoned and got a local lawyer to threaten to charge Peers' friends with murder unless they immediately left the country, which they did."

I don't think this can have been a happy marriage for Eliza Yale; lets see if the other two daughters fared better.

I have already told you about Governor Simpson's son, George Stewart Simpson, in an earlier posting.
Let me see what Bruce Watson has to say about the marriage between Donald Manson's son, John Duncan, and Aurelia Yale.

John Duncan Manson was born to Donald Manson, probably at Fort Vancouver, in about 1836.
Watson writes: "He had a close call with death as a young man.
"A young John Manson was at the Whitman mission in Waiilatpu during the time of the measles outbreak, a pestilence which the local natives believed had been deliberately brought by the whites to wipe them out.
"Seeking revenge for what they thought was deliberate killing by the whites, the local natives on November 29, 1847, killed off the main principles of the mission, Marcus and Narcissa Whitman and twelve others, but, somehow in the confusion, young John was smuggled upstairs and a trap door closed behind him.
"When he was found a few hours later, he threatened the power of revenge of the HBC should anyone lay a hand on him. No one did and he was saved."
Tough kid -- like his father.
"This sparing of a Company man (in this case, boy) prompted some Americans to believe that the HBC had had a hand in the massacre.
"Later in 1854, Manson began his service with the HBC.
"He was not exactly the model of meekness and in some ways emulated the somewhat tough actions of his father both verbally and physically...
"John Duncan Manson married Aurelia, the daughter of James Murray Yale.."

So I think the two younger daughters, who married on the same day at Fort Langley, had better marriages than their older sister.
I know of another story of John D. Manson barely escaping with his life, when on the brigade trail he shared a tent with Paul Fraser.
Fraser, as a young man had been a laughing, cheerful lad who acted as witness for Alexander Caulfield Anderson's marriage to Betsy Birnie.
But, like Peers, he was sometimes under a cloud of suspicion because of his drinking habits.
And he was a violent man -- As an enforcer for the fur trade he was somewhat excessive -- Bruce Watson says, "it was around 1855 that Fraser's disciplinary excess appear to have led to the death of Michel Fallardeau [one of Anderson's men at Fort Alexandria], although records supporting this are difficult to track.
"On July 28, 1855, while he was reading correspondence in his tent on Manson's Mountain (on the HBC trail between Fort Hope and Campement des Femmes), a tree fell on him killing him.
"He was buried on the trail the next day.
"Because he died soon after Fallardeau, an air of suspicion has hung over the circumstances of his own death but it appears to have been an accident."
I hope so -- I have been told, by a descendant, that John Duncan Manson was seated in the same tent, beside Fraser, when the tree fell.

Well, I am not sure the stories I have told you today are romantic stories....
But enjoy them anyway.

Governor George Simpson's son, George Stewart Simpson

2011-11-12T11:54:00.000-08:00

As I told you I have been in the midst of writing speeches for the author's celebration and for the Victoria Historical Society talk, both of them in November.
In order to write the speech for VHS, I re-read and quoted from "the Private Journal of Henry Peers from Fort Langley to thompson's River, Summer 1848," found in the British Columbia Archives under [its old number] E/A/P34A.
I had never particularly noticed before, but Alexander Caulfield Anderson travelled into Kamloops with a new clerk, named "Simpson."
Of course when I was consulting this journal years ago when I wrote the chapter, I had no way to check who this Simpson fellow was.
In fact I barely noticed him.
Now I have Bruce Watson's Lives Lived West of the Divide, and in volume 3 I find this biography:

Simpson, George Stewart (1827-1894) (probably Canadian: Scottish and probably Native)
Birth: possibly Red River Settlement -- 1827 (born to Sir George Simpson and Margaret Taylor)
Death: Victoria, March 13, 1894
HBC Apprentice, Fort Vancouver general charges (1841-1842); Apprentice and clerk, Honolulu (1842-1847); Clerk, Fort Colvile (1847-1848); Clerk, Thompson River (1848-1850); Clerk, Fort Victoria sales shop (1850-1857); Clerk disposable, Western department (1857-1858); Chief Trader, Western Department (1858-1860)

George Stewart Simpson came to Fort Victoria as a boy of eight with the 1836 brigade. In 1838, according to Reverend Herbert Beaver, young Simpson had arrived decently clothed but two years later, he was running about "in appearance like a beggar's child, and at one time suffered so much from sores, brought on entirely by the neglect of Chief Factor McLoughlin's woman, under whose charge he was placed" (Beaver, p. 84). Young Simpson had probably got his sores from flea bites from his beating furs in the large fur house at the fort, a job that young children often did. In 1841, he joined the HBC, likely at Fort Vancouver, and joined his father, Sir George Simpson, for a voyage to Honolulu where he spent the next four years in apprenticeship. He rose through the ranks and around 1858 became Chief Trader. He spent the last two years of his working career as chief Trader at Fort Dunvegan in the Athabasca Department but returned to the coast in 1864 when he pre-empted 320 acres in the Fraser Valley. George Stewart Simpson died on March 13, 1894, at his residence on Cook Street in Victoria, B. C.
On June 12, 1857, at Fort Langley, Simpson married Isabella Yale (c.1840-), daughter of James Murray Yale and together they had four children....

So there you go, if you are a descendant of this Simpson, then you will find more about him in Peers' journal in BC Archives.

Let's see what James Raffen says about this young man, in "Emperor of the North: Sir George Simpson and the Remarkable story of the Hudson's Bay Company:"

p. 233-34 -- While Simpson tended to these labours in Lachine, "the commodity" [Margaret Taylor] gave birth at York Factory in February 1827 to a bouncing baby boy, whom she named George Stewart Simpson. Simpson met the child for the first time that summer, during the Northern Council at the Depot, just before he hurried back south to make his way via Osnaburgh House, Martin Falls and Fort Albany to Moose Factory....On his way back upriver in September, to return to Lachine, he jotted off another quick private note to McTavish, in which his paternal responsibilities were given their usual shrug: "Pray keep a sharp look out upon Madam, if she behaves well let her be treated accordingly but on the contrary [be] sent about her business and the child taken from her. Should any accident happen to me and that the youngster lives until 4 or 5 years old he will in all probability be claimed by some of my friends in England or Scotland."

p. 264 -- [he arrived at Fort Alexander where Margaret Taylor was; he was travelling with his new wife] Not surprisingly, there was not time for a proper inspection stop at Fort Alexander at the mouth of the Winnipeg River. Their accounts say very little about this portion of the journey, but there cousin Thomas gives the impression of a very quick hello: "We arrived at Bas de la riviere [Fort Alexander] on the 5th of June. The Governor and Lady started the same evening for Red River. There was no time to stop -- they camped on the shore below Fort Alexander. ...In the rush to move on to Fort Garry there was no time at Fort Alexander to meet for the first time his new son James Mackenzie Simpson, or to pick up in his arms George Stewart Simpson, or to introduce his unsuspecting English wife to his half-Chipewyan wife, who had been counting the days until his return..."

Poor Margaret Taylor! But at least it looks as though George Simpson did not entirely abandon his son.

Update on dates of events

2011-11-09T13:58:00.000-08:00

My sister needs updated information so that she can print this out and distribute to her friends, some of whom she finds have followed my blog for some time!
I have never felt as if I am talking to people in Victoria, and it is a bit of surprise to find that a few locals at least are reading my pages.
Thank you.

So here we are:

The Heritage House Author's Celebration on Thursday November 17 is being held at the Maritime Museum of British Columbia, at 28 Bastion Square, in downtown Victoria. The evening begins at 5:30 pm. and goes on to 9:00, and I am the last speaker -- there will be twelve authors in all presenting their short five minute talk. But it will be fun (I've attended their author's celebration before), and there are breaks for "nibble, sip and mingle." In addition, the venue is stunning. My long distance cousin, who was a lawyer, tells me this is the old courthouse where the man who operated the elevator (the oldest elevator in Victoria, I understand) used to greet everyone by their first name.
But, for this event, you must RSVP to info@touchwoodeditions.com or phone 250-360-0829, to get in the door. This is not a drop-in event; and its quite a dressy event, too. Leave your ragged blue jeans at home and dress up a bit. They will be selling everyone's book at this event, so you can do lots of Christmas shopping here! We also hope to have A.C. Anderson's 1867 map of British Columbia displayed at this event -- not the original of course, but a copy.

I will be speaking in front of the Victoria Historical Society on November 24th at 7pm. The meeting is held at the James Bay New Horizons Centre. There will be a short meeting and a tea break before the talk begins, and I will be speaking for about 3/4 hour afterward. As the historical society pays rent on the room, it might be nice if a few of you volunteer to pay a $5.00 fee to go toward the group's expenses (non-members are allowed one free meeting before they pay, but..). I will also have books to sell there, and will sign any books that you have already purchased and bring in to the meeting -- if you want to go to that extreme.

The Pathfinder Book Launch will be held at Crown Bookstore on Thursday December 1, 6:30 pm. to 8 pm. The bookstore's address is 514 Government Street, and the Heritage House it is in stands immediately behind the Parliament Buildings and just around the corner from Crown Publishers. You can do some of your Christmas shopping there, too. I think this is quite a casual event and you can talk to me rather than sit and listen to me talk all the time.

Pick up the January edition of Senior Living; I have done an interview for that magazine.

In January I will be speaking at the Blue Moose Cafe in Hope, on January 19th at 7pm. Books will be available at the event, but I want residents to remember that if they want a book immediately they can purchase it at the Hope Visitor Centre and Museum Complex (Destination Hope) at 919 Water Avenue.
The above event is being put on by the Hope Mountain Group, at www.hopemountain.org. These people, who come from Burnaby, Hope, Princeton, Tulameen and elsewhere, have been restoring the brigade trails over the Coquihalla for years and now have a great deal of information to share. If you're a hiker, Hope is a great place to start a good hike!!

In February I am booked to speak in front of the Historical Maps Society of British Columbia in Vancouver. It is a private group and so I do not think you can attend unless you are a member. I think they will enjoy pouring over A.C.'s maps and hopefully will be able to give me leads on the possible location of maps I have been unable to find -- and there are some of those.

That's it so far. I think I am going to be a little busy for a while.
Copies of The Pathfinder will be shipped out in a week or so, so get excited.
I certainly am eager to see my new book!!!

Good morning, everyone

2011-11-06T14:56:00.000-08:00

I am taking a bit of a holiday, and spent a few days in Vancouver -- what an exciting city.
Now I am writing the first of several speeches I have to make in the near future.
The first, a five minute talk, is for the Author's Celebration on Thursday, November 17th, to be held at the Maritime Museum of British Columbia in Bastion Square, Victoria.
The evening begins at 5:30 and runs all the way to 9pm., and I am the last speaker.
Anyone can attend this event,, but it is necessary that you let the publisher know that you plan to attend, by RSVP'ing to info@touchwoodeditions.com or phone (250) 360-0829.
Obviously most of the people I speak to on this blog are from places other than Victoria, and some reside on the other side of the world.
But just in case there is a Victoria resident who would like to attend, please RSVP before you attend.
I think we are putting a copy of Alexander Caulfield Anderson's 1867 Map of British Columbia on display, so those of you who know a little bit about the brigade trails and the fur trade can study this map pretty closely.

So you won't hear much from me for a little while.
However I am told that the book should be out by the 10th of the month, so that you who have ordered it should get copies pretty quickly.
Tomorrow I will order my own boxes of books, and when they come will send out the books I owe to people who asked for them in exchange for use of photographs.
If you haven't ordered your copies of the book yet, now is the time to do it.
I have always asked you to support your local bookstores, and I continue to do so -- but many of the residents of the interior of British Columbia don't have a local bookstore!
In which case you go to the publisher's website at www.heritagehouse.ca and order the book through the Fall 2011 catalogue.
(I think that's how it still works).
Some of you want e-books, and you will have to wait for them -- remember that Christmas is going to interfere a little with the manufacturing of the e-book and delay it -- probably -- longer than the month that we originally said it would take.

See you soon -- and hope to see some of you at the Author's Celebration!
The next event that will be coming up is my talk in front of the Victoria Historical Society.
After that, the book launch.
In January I will be speaking in Hope, B.C., at the Blue Moose Cafe.
When will I have time to write all these speeches?

Another important online fur trade resource

2011-10-30T09:09:00.000-07:00

I often receive emails from persons on the other side of the world.
They have stumbled across my blog and need more information on their fur trade ancestors in Canada.
I try to answer every question I get asked, and one of my resources -- with which I have been very fortunate -- is this:
"The Dictionary of Canadian Biography online," at www.biographi.ca
There is a tremendous amount of history and biography located on this site, and it is all accurate as all of the biographies are written by historians interested in the particular character they are writing about.
An excellent resource easily accessible to anyone, from anywhere on the planet!

One of the most important things about this site is that at the bottom of the page, the author will list the sources for the information contained in the biography.
That gives the researcher an opportunity to view the sources and learn something more about your ancestor.
In fact, for many years I didn't look at the bottom of Alexander Caulfield Anderson's biography in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography.
When I finally checked through the list, I discovered one source I hadn't viewed -- and that source contained an affectionate, personal description of Anderson that far exceeded anything I had already collected.

Should you have discovered that you have an ancestor who worked in the early fur trade in Detroit or Montreal, then there is a book that you have to obtain so that you can understand the early fur trade -- which differed from the fur trade of the North West Company and the HBC.
I have mentioned this book before on my blog -- here it is again:
"Winner Take All; The Trans-Canada Canoe Trail," by David Lavender, published by McGraw Hill in New York, Toronto, St. Louis, Dusseldorf, Mexico and Panama, in 1977.
I found my copy in a second hand bookstore, but if you are in Australia (where many of my correspondents are) than you may have to order the book online.

I am taking a brief holiday in Vancouver, and so might not be posting anything more this weekend.
I will return.

Listing on Amazon Books

2011-10-25T07:24:00.000-07:00

For those of you who want to see the listing for
The Pathfinder: A.C. Anderson's Journey through the West,
and its cover quotes, please go to:

http://www.amazon.ca/Pathfinder-C-Andersons-Journeys-West/dp/1926936825#productPromotions

For Leonard/Lenniard descendants

2011-10-23T10:37:00.000-07:00

In my posting dated May 30, 2010, I listed what I thought I knew of the Fort Alexandria men.
At that time I wrote of the man called Jean Baptiste Lennard/Lenniard/Linneard, and learned from the HBCA biographical sheets that his supposed name was Jean Baptiste Leonard.
Since that time, of course, I have had a few conversations with a descendant of either this man, or another who was in the territory at the same time -- supposedly a Scotsman.
Here's the problem I have now -- Fort Alexandria's Lennard was at Fort Alexandria when Anderson arrived there in 1842, and Anderson spelled his name as above, with various spellings.
But only a few months later, Anderson travelled north to take charge of Fort St. James for one or two months, in Peter Skene Ogden's absence.
In the Fort St. James post journals I immediately discovered another "Leonard," with his name spelled a different way than Fort Alexandria's Lennard/Lenniard/Linneard.
I now believe that these are two different men -- that if they were the same man Anderson would have spelled his name the same in both journals.

So, here is the "Leonard" from the Fort St. James post journals, 1840-46, B.188/a/19, HBCA:
"Saty. 11th [March 1843] -- do. weather overcast. Touin & Leonnard arrived from McLeod's Lake bringing 120 beavers & 1/2 roll tobacco. Mr. McIntosh writes that the party lately arrived there had made indifferent hunts..."
"Saty. 25th -- ...One of Leonard's dogs is returned -- absent without leave doubtless."
(I think Leonard has set off with a dog train to McLeod Lake, and allowed one dog to stray.)
"Thurs. 30th -- Fine weather, but rather cold in the shade...Laferte met Lacourse and Soris on Lac a la Carpe, going on well, but Leonard & his companion he found in their encampment at one o'clock, not having yet made a move that day. They were not then (yesterday) more than half-way though it was their 9th day from this. Perrault lays the blame on Leonard, who, he says, will not march, nor exert himself in any way and has suffered the dogs to gnaw the greater part of his load, from laziness to drive them off during the night. Conduct such as this ought surely to meet with some punishment; and indeed, as I believe the fellow too incorrigibly lazy ever to reform, the most prudent method is to get rid of him, if possible, out of the district.
"Saty. 1 April -- do weather. Still seeking cattle. In the forenoon Lacourse & Louis Taroutanta arrived from McLeod's Lake, their third day. they met their lazy companions at Lac en Long.. proceeding very leisurely...
"Mon. 3rd -- Very mild. Laferte returned from Nautlay, sent Francois & James Boucher with two teams & fresh dogs, having 200 salmon each exclusive of provisions for McLeod's Lake. They are to proceed until they meet Leonard & Perrault, who by way of penalty for their dilatory proceedings will then exchange trains & return to McLeod's Lake...
"Tues. 4th -- ... Francois & James returned having met the other at Lac Porteur."

I thought for a moment that Anderson had sent Leonard and Perrault to finish their time in New Caledonia at the McLeod's Lake post, a gloomy, cold and unfriendly place to live.
Not so...

"Thurs. 13th [April] -- ...In the evening Perrault & Leonard arrived from McLeods Lake."
There is no further mention of Leonard up to the time Anderson left Fort St. James for Fort Alexandria in mid April, 1843.
However, I think it fairly clear that these are two different men -- the difficulty is deciding which of them is your "Leonard."

Here is what Bruce Watson, in his Lives Lived, says about the two men:

Linniard, John [variation: Linneard, Lennard] fl. 1834-1861 (British: Orcadian Scot)
Birth: probably near Kirkgate, Orkney
Death: drowned in South Thompson River, B.C.
HBC Middle, Fort Vancouver 1835-1836; Middleman, New Caledonia, 1836-1838; Farmer, New Caledonia, 1838-1856; Labourer, Thompson river, 1856-1860
John Linniard joined the HBC on April 17, 1834, in Orkney as a labourer and appears to have spent his entire career at interior posts. Must of this time, until 1856, was spent at Fort Alexandria doing farming duties, tending crops, making fences, etc. There he took a wife and raised his first family. He appears. after his contract ended in 1859, to have retired around 1861, for in 1862 he pre-empted 160 acres on the south side of the Thompson River, eight miles east of Fort Kamloops. His name was still carried on HBC books until 1869. Some time later, John Linniard drowned in the South Thompson River while trying to retrieve a duck.

Leonard, Jean Baptiste (c.1820-?) Canadian: French
Birth: probably Montreal, c. 1820
HBC Middleman, Thompson River, 1840-42; Middleman, New Caledonia (Fort St. James), 1843-1856; Middleman, Fort Langley, 1857-1860
Jean Baptiste Leonard joined the HBC from Montreal in 1840 and worked with it for the next twenty years.

It is not always easy to figure out who your ancestors are, when the records are so hard to find.
I think, though, that Bruce Watson is correct in that there are two men with similar names, in New Caledonia at the same time.
Which one is yours? -- that is the puzzle you have to solve now.
Oh, the joys of genealogy.

The Pathfinder: A.C.Anderson's Journeys in the West

2011-10-22T13:23:00.000-07:00

Good morning, everyone -- I have some more good news for you.
The hard work on the book is finally done, all the maps in the colour section are drawn and the captions finally written, re-written, edited and approved.
The chapter headings are complete, and in the process of doing this we have exchanged a less important map for another of greater importance, greatly enhancing the book.
The last questions have been answered, the last inconsistencies in spelling corrected -- it's amazing how much work goes into perfecting a book for publication.
Five or more Heritage House staff-members read the book and every person had different comments or questions for me -- and many of those questions were very good.
Is it B.C. Police or B.C. Provincial Police? West Road River or Westroad River or Black Water River or Blackwater River and when do we use West Road River and when Blackwater as they are two different names for the same river?
Thompson River or Thompson's River? La Traverse or Little Fort? Lac Round (as A.C. wrote it) or the more correct Lac Ronde?
I think I have answered hundreds of questions in the last few weeks, and often came home to another twenty questions to answer before morning.

But I think this detailed work is finished, and the book is heading off to the printer.
This does not mean that the books will be rolling off the press immediately -- there is one more step to come.
The printer will make the blueline proof -- that is, the film from which the book will actually be printed.
Bluelines are proofs of the page negatives, printed in blue ink and made into a book of sorts -- an actual representation of the book with each page in the place where it is supposed to be.
The editor checks the proofs to ensure that no errors have been introduced during the printing process, then returns the bluelines to the printer.
After that the actual printing and binding of the book begins.
As the printer has a number of books in its lineup already, we might have to wait our turn....
But I hope we will have books in hand as we approach the Heritage House Author Celebration in November.
I have been fascinated by the whole process and I wish I could watch this part, but it is now my job to stay out of the way and let the publisher and the printer do their work.
I will see the finished product in a few weeks time.

Now that the book is out of my hands, do I have more free time?
No.
I have to write three speeches that I will be giving in the next few weeks.
I must learn Power Point, but I don't know if I will be using it for all three speeches -- I have to find that out, too.
I have already mentioned the Heritage House Group Author Celebration -- now let me tell you about all three upcoming occasions.

The Heritage Group Author Celebration will be held on November 17 at the Maritime Museum (Bastion Square), at about 7pm. in the evening (I don't actually know yet when it starts).
This is an upscale event and if you are coming, you can dress up -- my sister says she is planning to wear her Christmas sequins!
It is a shared evening, with ten different authors from the various publishers under the Heritage umbrella speaking about or reading from their newly published books.
I will be there with a five or so minute talk -- and someone told me that this short speech will be the one most difficult to write.

About a week after that event, I will be speaking on the book in front of the Victoria Historical Society, which has its meetings at the James Bay New Horizons Centre at 7:30 pm.
This will be a three-quarter of an hour talk and I will hopefully know my Power Point by then so that I can use a few of the many photographs to illustrate the difficulty of the expeditions Anderson made.
This talk is already advertised in the Victoria Historical Society Publication, which says:
24 November 2011
Alexander Caulfield Anderson: The Pathfinder -- Nancy M. Anderson will speak about her ancestor's important role in developing new brigade trails for the Hudson's Bay Company in New Caledonia in the late 1840's. Her biography of A.C. Anderson will be published this fall.

Finally, we will be holding The Pathfinder Book Launch on December 1st, at the Crown Bookstore.
As I have mentioned before I used to do a lot of shopping at the Crown Bookstore when it was located downtown.
Now it is located close to the Parliament Buildings, and I suspect there will be plenty of parking available just across the street as the launch will be held in the evening, about 7pm.
This event will be advertised in the local papers; and I will have to write a different speech for that event, as the speech I give in front of the Historical Society will not work at this event.
So you can see I will be busy over the next few weeks.

I am also planning a holiday -- it has been a few years since I have actually had a two week holiday but that is what I am planning.
Much of it will be a work holiday, but I plan to spend a few days in Vancouver, promoting the book to the Vancouver area book stores.
Okanagan is looking after itself and some members of the Historical Societies up there have been promoting the book up and down the valley during this time when they have been celebrating their 200th anniversary.
The Hope Mountain folks all know about the book too, are we are arranging a visit to Hope so that I can speak about the book -- sometime in the New Year.
I hope weather allows me to travel up there easily, and we will have to discuss what to do if the winter travelling is as difficult as it is forecast to be, at the time I have to travel.
I think we'll be okay.

Bookstores are now placing their orders for this book, and by the time I visited many of the Victoria bookstores, they had actually already placed their orders.
I think that you can now order the book through the Heritage House website, at http://heritagehouse.ca -- go to Fall 2011 catalogue.
I say, "shop at your local bookstore" -- but I also know that many small communities don't have a local bookstore and so you will be shopping online.
Many small museums will carry the book, but they are often closed during the winter months -- or only open on long weekends or for special events -- and so shopping at these small museums is also difficult.
So, by all means, order your book online and you will receive your copy as soon as it is printed up!
E-books are also available, but you will have to wait a month or two before the books is set up on the server and all the wrinkles ironed out.

Rather a short post, probably

2011-10-16T12:40:00.000-07:00

This might be a short post today, as I am in the middle of doing the last minute work for publication.
A friend who has just finished publishing his book advised me that there will be issues right to the last minute, and I am finding that is true.
We are working on the four colour maps in the middle of the book.
First the illustrator draws blank maps on which the route is to be drawn in red ink.
She forwards them to the editor who forwards them to me, with instructions to use red pens (which, of course, I do not have).
I print out numerous copies and carefully draw on them the routes of Anderson's explorations/expeditions, drawing one of the four journeys between Kamloops and Fort Langley on each sheet.
The end result is four finished maps and many ruined sheets of paper as I discard maps on which I have made a mistake!
I do the same with the maps of the two brigade trails over the range of hills that separated the Fraser River from Kamloops -- the 1848-49 trail up Anderson's River, and the later trail that crosses over the Coquihalla mountains.
I run the good maps through the scanner and email them back to the editor, and she forwards them to the illustrator who lives in Vancouver, who draws all four routes on one base map, and the two brigade trails on a second base map.
Then she sends them back to the editor who looks them over and forwards them to me, and I make major or minor corrections and return the maps to the editor, for her to send them on to the illustrator for correction or completion.
When the layout of the book and the maps to go in it are almost finished, the illustrator puts them up in the sky somewhere, and at this point everyone who needs to look at the book can work on it.
One person can access the book and enter the index, which is based on the index I worked on a few weeks ago.
I know this is happening because I am getting batches of the type of questions that would turn up when one is doing the index -- do we say commissioner or Commissioner, or do we on occasion list the names of the three commissioners/Commissioners?
Is it McLeod Lake post as it appears in Chapter 20, or McLeod's Lake as it appears in an earlier chapter?
Fort Kamloops or Kamloops Post? We need to ask these innocent little questions so we can be consistent throughout the book.
Even my biography is questioned -- am I the descendant of three or four generations of fur traders or am I the fourth generation descendant of fur traders?

The book should be perfect when it is done, but I know it won't be.
I know when I put it out there that someone will give me information that I failed to find (or, worse, that I overlooked), that changes the book.
That happens to every author -- you make the corrections in the second run of the book and hope not too many persons notice the first error.

But in spite of this flurry of work, the book is almost finished.
However, it will be published a little later than we planned -- November rather than October.
But the bookstores are placing their orders for the book, so you can go in and request they order you a copy.
I don't know if you can yet order from Heritage House online.
You must also remember that if you are planning to order an e-book, you will have to wait at least a month or so longer until it is loaded online without error.

If you live in the Hope area, the book will be available at the Museum.
In Princeton, it will be found at The Image Emporium on Bridge Street, and hopefully from the Museum on days when its open in the winter-time.
In Yale you will find it at the Museum, when open during the winter -- they tell me they open on a number of occasions over winter.
Of course you are internet savvy and can order the book directly from the publisher, Heritage House.
In the Okanagan it will be available through Chapters, and I think the same applies to Kamloops.
The Kamloops Museum will carry it, as one of their images is contained in the book.
In Victoria it will be found in most bookstores -- in only one or two I have not been able to contact the book-buyer, but I'll get there eventually.
Certainly the book will be carried by Crown Books -- this is a BC book, after all, and if any one book store in Victoria is a BC bookstore, Crown Books is it.
I spent a great deal of time in Crown Books while I was researching the places where Anderson was.
After all, they carried all the Lands and Forests Maps for BC, and I have most of them.

There is actually a reason for bringing Crown Books into this conversation -- my book launch will be held at Crown Books in early December.
The first book launch is the Heritage House launch, held at the Royal BC Museum in November.
It is a shared book launch for all authors published in the late summer and fall by Heritage House, and its a very dressy occasion -- quite fun! (I invited myself to last fall's book launch).
The second book launch, to be held at Crown Books, will be the launch for my book alone, and the speech will be a little more than the five minutes I will get at the Heritage House launch.
Am I nervous yet? No, but I will get there.

Notes on the Fort Colvile men and their descendants

2011-10-09T13:35:00.001-07:00

I received this information from one of my regular readers, who knows everything that goes on in the part of the world that surrounds Fort Colvile.
Godfroi Lagrave was Godefroy Cornoyer (Cornailler) dit LaGrave and he married Genevieve Finlay, daughter of Patrick Finlay and Margaret Cardinal.
Donald Angus McLeod married Rosalie Morigeau, the daughter of Francois Morigeau and Plains Cree Isabelle McTavish. He died in 1901 on the Flathead Reservation.
Joseph Morell married Marie Anne Delard, daugher of Joseph (Delore) Delard and Elizabeth "Shuswap" Souchanabe.
Augustin Neron married Cecile Finlay, the daughter of Miquam Finlay at Frenchtown, MT, in the winter of 1862-3. He was later a farmer and was listed in 1860 Washington census as in the Bitterroot Valley, Montana. His surname variations are Neron; Neyrand; Naro, and he is also known as Crooked Hand Shaw, or Broken Hand Shaw.
Thomas Stensgar Sr., was a native of Scotland and former employee of the HBC. "He owned the lands now known as the Parker farm. Stensgar married a native woman. They were the parents of a large family, several of whom are still living on the Colville Indian Reservation. Both Mr. and Mrs. Stensgar and their children were splendid citizens and industrious farmers." This information comes from Stevens County Fifty years Ago, Graham's Recollections, Thomas Graham, 1928, p. 8.
Another source tells me that Thomas Stensgar married first: Julia Plant, daughter of Antoine Plant, and secondly, Maria Yuma.

Fort Colvile

2011-10-09T06:13:00.000-07:00

In summer 1848, Anderson and his family rode away from the Kamloops post, leading the Fort Colvile men back to their home post on the Columbia River.
He had left Fort Alexandria for the last time, and would never return.

Fort Colvile had been established about 1826 when Governor George Simpson instructed John Work to close down the old Spokane post and transfer its business to the Columbia River fort.
Alexander Ross had travelled up the Columbia River with the Governor, and described the future location of Fort Colvile:
"At this place, the site of the new establishment, to be named 'Colville,' was marked out close to the [Kettle] Falls.
"The situation of Colville has been extolled by many as a delightful spot; there is a small luxuriant vale of some acres in extent, where the fort is to be built, under the brow of a woody height; this is so far pleasant enough, but in every other respect the prospect on all sides is limited.
"The place is secluded and gloomy; unless the unceasing noise of the Falls in front, and a country skirted on the opposite side of the river with barren and sterile rocks and impenetrable forests in the rear, can compensate for the want of variety in other respects.
"If so, the place may, indeed, be called delightful: otherwise, there are very few places in this part of the country less attractive or more wild."

You will notice the American spelling of Colville here; the author of the article from which I am quoting this information was an American and the spelling might have been his, or it might have come from Alexander Ross himself.
Actually the fort was named for one of the London directors of the company, and would have been spelled 'Colvile.'
The new fort did not get constructed immediately, but James Birnie who was then in charge of Spokane House, planted the first crop of potatoes the same year the fort was supposed to be constructed.
James Birnie would become Alexander Caulfield Anderson's father-in-law, but at this time, Anderson's future wife was a toddler.

"This fort is to be situated in a little nick just above the falls on the south side of the River," John Work wrote in his journal when he received instructions to build the fort.
"This little nick or valley is of a horse shoe form, about 2 miles along the River side and about 2 1/2 or three miles in depth surrounded by steep hills on both sides, a ridge of hills run along the opposite side of the river.
"The Fort is to be situated on a sandy ridge about 600 yards from the river side."
The rounded hills behind the fort was part of the Selkirk range of mountains, and those across the river the Monashee.
But Archibald McDonald, in charge of the place for many years, called the fort an "obscure hole west side of the Rocky Mountains."
Others had a different opinion.
Lieutenant Johnson, of the Wilkes expedition, described the place: "The whole of the northern posts depend upon Colvile for supplies and provisions," and he declared it "superior, for the purposes of cultivation, to any other spot on the upper waters of the Columbia."
When the missionaries Walker and Eels arrived at the place, Walker wrote in his diary that the sight of Colvile with "fields well fenced, large stacks of all kinds of grain, cattle and hogs in large droves ... was a feast to my eyes."
Mary Walker described the fort in a letter to her family: "Majestic craggy mountains of granite covered with yellow pine & at this season of the year capped with snow present themselves on either hand.
"The site of Colvile is pleasing & romantic ... I never was in a place I liked the looks of better. The fort is large and more elegantly constructed than any I have before seen."
George T. Allan described Fort Colvile as a "neat and compact little establishment, and nothing I have yet seen in the Indian country can equal the beauty of its situation."
George Simpson, when he revisited the fort in the early 1840's, also enjoyed the view.
"On reaching the summit of a hill, we obtained a fine view of the pretty little valley in which Colvile is situated.
"In a prairie of three or four miles in length, with the Columbia River at one end, and a small lake in the centre, we decried the now novel scene of a large farm, barns, stables, &c., fields of wheat under the hand of the reaper, maize, potatoes, &c., &c., and herds of cattle grazing at will beyond the fences."

It is hard for us to imagine the discomfort and inconvenience that these fur traders lived in.
The gentlemen in charge of these forts had little privacy, and they never had their own separate house.
At Fort Nisqually Anderson and his family shared their house with Captain William McNeill's family, and the Captain resided in the same house when his ship, the steamer Beaver, was at Fort Nisqually.
I believe at Fraser's Lake Anderson had his own residence, but at Fort Alexandria his private residence consisted of a room built on to the gentleman's house.
The gentlemen's house itself was often shared with the missionaries or with other fur traders, so while the bedroom might have been private, the living quarters were not.
I have a description of the Fort Colvile's gentleman's house, and it is not a place that I would like to live in.
However, we must also remember that the description comes from a British naturalist who wandered the wilderness of the Columbia district for a few years.
His name was John K. Lord, and he later authored a book titled "At Home in the Wilderness: What to Do There and How to Do it," [London, 1876].
He describes the gentleman's house a few years after Anderson left Fort Colvile, and the character he describes is probably Angus McDonald, a man who was happiest when he lived in a leather tent somewhere in the wilderness.

"I shall select for description Fort Colville, which is situate on the banks of the Upper Columbia, about 1,000 miles from the seaboard.
"This quaint old place, one of the Company's earliest trading stations west of the Rocky Mountains, is worthy of a passing description as affording a good example of the fur-trader's 'Home in the Wilderness.'
"The trader's house is quadrangular in shape, and built of heavy trees squared and piled one upon another...
"The visitor, on entering the somewhat ponderous portals of this primitive mansion, finds himself in a large room dimly lighted by two small windows, the furniture of which, designed more for use than ornament, consists of a few rough chairs and a large deal table, the latter occupying the centre of the room.
"Looking beneath this table one cannot fail to notice an immense padlock, which evidently fastens a trap-door, and if you happen to be a guest of the chief trader (and here I must add as the result of long experience that the Hudson's Bay Company's traders are the most hospitable kind-hearted fellows I ever met with), the probabilities are greatly in favour of your discovering the secret of the trap-door, very soon after you enter the room.
"The table pushed back, the trap-door is unfastened, and the trader descends into a dark mysterious-looking cave, soon however to emerge with a jug of rum, or something equally toothsome.
"Now, if you are of an inquisitive turn of mind, you may find out that in this underground strong-room, all valuables are deposited and secured.
"This room, beneath which the cavern has been excavated, has some person to occupy it night and day, and the chief trader sleeps in it; hence it is next to impossible that the savages could steal anything unless they forcibly sacked and pillaged the establishment.
"An immense hearth-fire, both warms and lights this dreary sitting-room, for at least eight months of the year."

I know that when Anderson arrived at Fort Colvile there were no pickets surrounding it.
Because of the Cayuse war south of Fort Colvile he immediately ordered the construction of a palisade around the fort.
But this is how Lord describes the grounds behind the gentleman's house a few years later:
"Behind the dwelling is a large court enclosed by tall pickets, composed of trees sunk in the ground side by side, (the house itself was I believe once picketed in, but the Indians proved so friendly that any protection of that description was deemed unnecessary).
"In this court, all the furs traded at the fort, are baled for conveyance by the Brigade to Fort Hope.
"The trading shop, and store of goods employed in bartering with the savages, adjoins the trader's house, although not actually a part of it; and the fur-trader stands therein behind a high counter, to make his bargains.
"The Indians have a curious custom in their barterings, which is, to demand payment for each skin separately, and if a savage had fifty marten skins to dispose of, he would only sell or barter one at a time, and insist on being paid for them one by one.
"Hence it often occupies the trader many days to purchase a large bale of peltries from an Indian trapper."

Later in the same article, Lord has a further description of some of the fur trade posts -- and it appears to be true of Fort Colvile, too.
"In many of the Posts the trade room is cleverly contrived, so as to prevent a sudden rush of Indians, the approach from outside the pickets being through a long narrow passage, only of sufficient width to admit one Indian at a time, the passage being bent at an acute angle near the window, where the trader stands.
"This precaution is rendered necessary, inasmuch as were the passage straight, the savages might easily shoot him.
"Where the savages are hostile, at the four angles of the court bastions are placed, octagonal in shape, and pierced with embrasures, to lead the Indians to believe in the existence of cannon, intended to strike terror into all red-skinned rebels daring to dispute the supremacy of the Company.
"Over the fur shop are large lofts for storing and drying the furs in as they are collected.
"Beyond this a smith's shop, a few small log shanties, and an immense 'corral,' for keeping the horses in, whilst fitting out the 'brigade,' make up all that is noteworthy as far as the buildings are concerned at Fort Colvile.
"The regular staff stationed at this Post, consists of the chief trader, a clerk, and about four half breeds, the remainder of the hands needed are selected from the Indians.
"The houses are by no means uncomfortable, and I can truthfully say, many of the happiest evenings of my life, have been passed in the 'big room' at Fort Colvile."

Because most of Anderson's later writings were to encourage immigration into British Columbia, he never wrote a good description of Fort Colvile.
But his son, James Robert Anderson, did.
James was ten to twelve years old, and though he wrote his memoirs many years after he left the fort, his memories of Fort Colvile remained clear and sharp.
"Fort Colvile was a pleasant post, the country in the vicinity was clear of timber up to the foot-hills one or two miles distant.
"The fort was situated about a mile from the Columbia River on the left hand bank and about the same distance from the Roman Catholic mission down the river, presided over by Pere de Vos, a Jesuit priest.
"Quite near the mission which was situated on higher ground than the Fort, were the Kettle or Chaudiere Falls which stretch clean across the Columbia.
"Here the Indians used to congregate when the salmon were running.
"The manner of capturing the fish was accomplished in two ways -- one was by baskets, so called, made of withes some ten feet long, closed at the sides and lower end.
"This was suspended so that the upper end touched the water of the falls, the other end being lower.
"The salmon, in attempting to leap the falls, often missed and fell struggling into the basket when he was hooked out.
"The other way was by spearing the salmon whilst in mid air, from a frail looking staging sticking out over the seething torrents, a most exciting pursuit."

There is a little more that might be of interest to local historians, though this salt lick, like the fort itself, must now be buried under the waters of the Columbia River:
"Between the Fort at Colvile and the foot-hills was a salt lick which the horses and cattle in the vicinity frequented and in the course of time quite extensive excavations were made.
"These salt licks occur in various parts of the country and are frequented not only by domestic animals but by wild beasts of various kinds."

Actually, I cannot say that Anderson never left behind a good description of Fort Colvile.
He listed the buildings that existed at Fort Colvile when he left it for the last time in 1852:
1 range of stores, 60 x 25 feet (stores is probably store-houses)
1 range ditto, 50 x 21 feet
1 store, unfinished, 40 x 22 feet
1 dwelling house, 50 x 24 feet
1 dwelling house, 24 x 18 feet
1 range of officers'houses, 60 x 18 feet
1 range of men's ditto, 50 x 18 feet
1 house, Indian hall, 16 x 16 feet
1 kitchen, 27 x 16 feet
1 blacksmith's shop, 17 x 13 feet
1 carpenter's shop, 30 x 17 feet
1 meat house & ice cellar, 20 x 16 feet
1 bake house & oven, 15 x 15 feet
1 poultry house, 20 x 13 feet
1 pigeon house, 9 x 9 feet
1 root house, 40 x 20 feet
pigs' houses, 60 x 15 feet
1 stable, 17 x 13 feet
1 barn, 50 x 15 feet
2 byres, each 65 x 20 feet
horse yard, six feet high, solid logs, 127 x 87 feet
barn yard, 81 x 60 feet
cattle yard, 84 x 33 feet
1 bastion, 12 x 12 feet
stockades, 208 feet square, 14 feet high (so when Anderson left the fort, the stockades existed)
18 M. fence poles
340 acres cultivated land
one flour mill complete with one pair of stones and bolting machine, 30 x 20 feet.

Farm at White Mud (a few miles behind the fort, but part of it):
1 dwelling house, 16 x 16 feet
1 barn, 30 x 20 feet
1 stable, 20 x 15 feet
1 pig house, 8 x 8 feet
1 1/2 m. fence poles
30 acres cultivated land.
The listing of the buildings and improvements at Fort Colvile was for the settlement of the Oregon Boundary Question, of course, and was presented to show the value of Fort Colvile to the Americans who were claiming ownership of it.
And you will notice the flour mill -- this is the third flour mill that Anderson had some connection with, and the second flour mill he was responsible for the construction of.
The first mill he constructed was at Fort Alexandria.
I know that a mill existed on his arrival at Fort Colvile; I know he built this second mill; and I know there are photographs of a little mill which do not match the description of this mill.
Were there two mills at Fort Colvile, or three?
Maybe I will have to research this question, and tell you the answer.

Indian Potatoes and other Native foods

2011-10-02T07:16:00.000-07:00

Some of you will know that I have been chasing the story of Indian Potatoes around for a little while, without a lot of success in discovering what they actually are.
One of my followers told me about a place called Potato Mountain, in the Chilcotin, where Natives harvested potatoes every year and where they had special ceremonies to celebrate their harvest.
Alexander Caulfield Anderson wrote a few essays in his later years -- essays which listed the Native foods he saw in his fur trade years, mostly at Fort Alexandria, but also at Fort Colvile.
So far I have been unable to find any mention of Indian potatoes in his writings, or in those of James Anderson, his son.
But I did stumble on Potato Mountain -- the local library hosted a writer named Bruce Fraser who had just published a book of fiction called, "On Potato Mountain; a Chilcotin Mystery."
That confirmed to me that Potato Mountain did exist, and according to the map in the above mentioned book, Potato Mountain is a high ridge of land that runs north-south between the upper reaches of the Chilko River, which flows north into the Chilcotin River, and the Homathko River which runs south from Tatlayoko Lake through Waddington Canyons and into Bute Inlet on the coast north of Vancouver.
And in fact, when I look at my copy of the Canadian Board of Geographical Names (Gazetteer of Canada) for British Columbia, I find the Potato Range of mountains listed:
"Between Chilko and Tatlayoko Lakes, Range 2, Coast district."

So now that we know where the Potato Mountain is, I need to ask what kind of potatoes the Natives harvest there.
The book, On Potato Mountain, tells me this, and this statement is in the words of a Tsihlquot'in man named Antoine:
"Before my time, before Reserves, our people survive on the land and water. In summer, Tsihlquot'in fish salmon returning from sea to spawn in the streams and lakes; Chilko, Taseko, and Puntzi. They hunt deer, moose, and the caribou; pick sour berries and dig succulent roots on Potato Mountain...."

What roots? For the answer to that question, I go to the experts.
I have already told you that I never found any "potatoes" in the writings of Alexander Caulfield Anderson and his son, James Robert Anderson.
Both of these men would have been considered experts in that field, at that time at least.
But new experts have emerged; they have talked to the Natives and learned their stories and they have studied the plants that Natives used.
One such expert is a botanist named Nancy J. Turner, who is a professor of Environmental Studies at the University of Victoria and who works with the Royal British Columbia Museum staff.
She has written three or four books on ethnobotany, and one of these books is called, "Food Plants of Interior First Peoples."
In Nancy Turner's book, I am able to identify some of the plants that would have been labelled "Indian potatoes."

The Mariposa Lily (Calochortus macrocarpus Dougl.) is a member of the Lily family which also carries the name of Desert Lily, Sweet Onion, and "Wild Potato."
It is a perennial with a tapering, deep seated bulb, and striking lavender or pink three petalled flowers born singly or in pairs at the top of the plant. The plant likes dry hillsides and plains and usually grows in light sandy soil. It flourishes east of the Coast range, south of Williams Lake, in the interior Plateau and also in the Columbia and Kootenay River valleys to the east. All the interior Salish groups from the Ktunaxa (Kootenay) to the Tsilhqut'in, ate the small elongated bulbs of Mariposa Lily, which they called "Sweet Onions," or "Wild Potatoes." Generally they harvested the lily bulbs in the spring, from April to June. Nancy Turner describes the bulbs as "crisp and sweet, so people usually ate them raw.." But if enough were collected the Natives threaded and dried them, with or without steaming them first.

The Mariposa Lily might be the plant that grows on Potato Mountain, but there are other plants, including some Lilies, that are also sometimes called "Indian potato."

Yellow Avalanche Lily (Erythronium grandiflorum, Pursh), called Glacier Lily, Yellow Dog-tooth violet, Snow Lily, Indian Sweet Potato, or Indian Potato.
This lily is a perennial with an elongated, deeply buried corm-like bulb. The plant usually bears two lance-shaped leaves, pointed and tapered at the base. The flower is erect, about 15 cm. tall, bearing one or sometimes more nodding golden-yellow flowers up to 5cm across with prominent stamens and pistil. We all know what tiger lilies look like; in appearance the Avalanche Lily looks like white tiger lilies. The blooming season is from April to August, depending on the elevation. Considering that my original source also told me about "nodding potatoes," I think this plant might be the plant the Natives call Nodding Potatoes.
Avalanche Lilies grow in mountains and high valleys from Vancouver Island to the Rocky Mountains. Their slender, starchy bulbs rank with Bitter-root, wild onions, and Spring Beauty in importance as a food source for the southern interior. The Natives dig the plant in April to August, and steam them or roast them in hot ashes. To preserve the bulbs for winter they let them soften and peel and thread them on a string of twisted Red cedar bark before hanging them up to dry. In the past, these bulbs in strings were an important trading item for the Natives.

Chocolate Lilies were another bulb that the Natives ate, but it appears that these do not grow in the area around Potato Mountain, so we must ignore them for now. The Yellowbell Lily also did not grow so far north -- but the Tiger Lily did, for Alexander Caulfield Anderson described how the Natives harvested and prepared the Tiger Lily he found around Fort Alexandria. This letter was written on the 3rd September 1845, and is addressed to Sir William J. Hooker, of Kew Gardens:

"Our New Caledonian fields have already, I believe, yielded their humble treasures very liberally to poor David Douglas, who, if my memory fail me not, visited in 1833, when I was stationed elsewhere. Thus I cannot hope that my [small] collection will possess much novelty for you. The Tza-chin or edible Bitter Root of N.C. (which by the way appears to me to be nearly identical with the Tiger-Lily of our gardens) might perhaps be entitled to some little note as a bonne-bouche if cultivated in England. The mode of preparing it is either in small subterranean kilns, or by steaming until soft and mushy. It is easily raised from the seed, of which I have sent a supply; there is also some bulbs, but I fear their germinating principle will be destroyed before they reach their destination." In his manuscript, British Columbia, Anderson gives more information about the tiger lily when he says: "The natives of the latter place [Fort Alexandria] use the root as an article of food. Carefully steamed it is an excellent substitute for potato -- its flavour somewhat like that of a roasted chestnut, with a slight bitter which renders it very agreeable."

You may have noticed the 'Bitter root' word in Anderson's letter, above. Though Anderson also called the tiger-lily the 'edible bitter-root,' in this same letter he talks of another plant called spetlum, or bitter-root. The tiger lily does earn the bitter-root name Anderson gave it, however, according to Nancy J. Turner:

"Tiger Lily is a tall perennial with a white ovoid bulb, up to 5 cm. in diameter, composed of thick fleshy scales like garlic cloves." The stem is slender, the flowers are bright orange, dark spotted near the centre. The Natives used the large bulbs of Tiger Lily wherever they could find them. The flavour of the bulb was strong, peppery and bitter, and they were used like pepper or garlic to flavour foods. The Tsilhquot'in called the bulb 'beaver-stick,' and harvested the bulbs in the early spring; the Okanagan and other southern Natives harvest them in the fall.

I have mentioned two other plants: the bitter-root, and Spring Beauty. Let me now tell you what they are, from Nancy J. Turner's "Food Plants of Interior First Peoples."

Bitter-root "is a low stemless perennial arising from a branching deep-seated fleshy taproot, which is grey-skinned with a white inner core that may turn pink on exposure to the air." The plant grows in the driest areas of the B.C. interior, and is now considered rare. But to the Okanagan and the Thompson River Natives, this plant was the most important of all the edible roots. Amongst its other names is the name, 'spatlum' -- almost the same name that Anderson quoted to Hooker one hundred and fifty years ago! However, this plant does not grow in the Chilcotin district and will not be the one of the potato-type plants that grow on Potato Mountain.

Spring Beauty -- However, the Spring Beauty could be one of the Indian potatoes harvested on Potato Mountain. The Spring Beauty is a perennial that grows 5 to 15 cm. tall with one or more stems arising from a shallow corm which might be 5 cm or more in diameter. The corm is brown-skinned and white inside, and the flowers are usually white with five petals and two broad sepals about a centimeter or more wide. The plant grows in dry sagebrush hills, usually at higher elevations in the central and southern part of the province on both sides of the Cascade Mountains. The Tsilhquot'in people certainly ate this plant in large quantities. They dug up the corms after the plants had flowered, from late May to late June depending on the elevation. The corms are not deeply buried, and Natives used a short digging stick to pry them out of the earth, replanting the smaller corms to allow them to develop. They cooked the corms by steaming them, or washed them and boiled them like potatoes. In fact, Spring Beauty resembles potatoes in flavour but are a little sweeter. These Indian potatoes could also be harvested in the autumn, and are said to be sweeter at this time.

I think I am satisfied that the Indian potatoes that grow on Potato Mountain are not potatoes -- as we know them -- but lilies or other bulb/corm producing wild plants.
I don't know if any of my readers are interested in the descriptions of the plants the Natives used, or that Anderson wrote about.
If so, let me know. I have lots of information on this particular subject and can wander for hours through the edible meadows that belonged to the Natives who lived around Fort Alexandria or in the southern regions of the province -- especially now that I have Nancy J. Turner's book and can more readily identify the plants and flowers that Anderson spoke of so often.

Hudson's Bay Company Archives

2011-10-01T12:08:00.000-07:00

A while ago I received a note from Heather Beattie, archivist of the Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
She had read my post of September 3rd when I talked about Section A of their records, and has this to add:
"Since the Keystone Archives Descriptive Database was launched in 2005, HBCA archivists have been working to enter descriptions of the records in our holdings.
"Full online descriptions are currently available for Sections A, B, C, D, F, H, RG2 and RG7.
"This includes records of the Governor and Committee, Governor and Council of Rupert's Land, Commissioner's Office, Canadian Committee, Fur Trade Department, Northern Stores Department, Wholesale Department, Montreal Department, Southern Department, Northern Department, Oregon Department and Western Department, all Hudson's Bay Company posts and districts, and records of related or subsidiary companies.
"This is an ongoing project, and new descriptions are being added to the database on a regular basis.
"Until everything has been added to Keystone we are also continuing to provide access to some of the older Online Finding Aids, which have been available on the HBCA website since the late 1990's.
"I think these may have been what you were looking at for all of the non-Section A records -- much more detailed descriptions of most of these records are available in Keystone, and we generally encourage researcher to look there instead of (or in addition to) the Online Finding Aids."

She is exactly right -- I have only been looking at the Online Finding Aids in the HBCA archives rather than searching the Keystone Database in the Manitoba Archives website.
Of course when I started the search ten years ago, that was the only way to find the records.
So if you are searching today, do check out the Keystone Archives Descriptive Database and see what you can find.
Obviously it isn't only Section A on that database!

Heather finishes her message to me with this:
"All of the HBC records created prior to 1920 (and many more recent ones) are available on microfilm and can be borrowed through the interlibrary loan program.
"If you ever have any questions about our holdings or online tools, please feel free to contact me."

Thanks, Heather, for the information, and I will search through Keystone next time.
As a note -- I have always found the HBC archives staff helpful and willing to give information.
Because they receive so many emails the responses may not be immediate, but they know their archives and they do answer the questions to the best of their knowledge.

More Fort Colvile men, 1848-1852

2011-09-24T09:48:00.000-07:00

Continuing from the previous post, these are more of the men who worked under Alexander Caulfield Anderson at Fort Colvile, in the years between 1848 and 1852. As I have told you before, this information comes from Bruce Watson's Lives Lived:

McKenzie, George, c.1820-1893 (Mixed descent)
Birth: possibly at Red River settlement
Death: Rowe's Farm, Parson's bridge, Esquimalt
The origins of George McKenzie, from Red River, are not entirely clear, but at nineteen he joined the HBC in 1839 as an apprentice carpenter. By 1846, he was no doubt working with a John Fenton constructing an additional Company sawmill and flour mill at Willamette Falls. The following year he went to Fort Colvile where he worked with James Goudie. In 1849, he was called to Fort Victoria to replace the above-mentioned Fenton.

McKenzie, Patrick, fl. 1841-1852 (Mixed descent)
Birth: probably Ruperts' Land
Death: probably West of the Rockies
Patrick McKenzie was hired on by the HBC in 1839 and first served as an apprentice post master in the Saskatchewan District. He came to Columbia in 1841 and, on December 31, 1845, after having served at Kamloops and Fort Colvile, was discharged at Fort Vancouver. He appears to have re-enlisted again, this time as an interpreter, and served at Fort Colvile from 1851-1852. He retired in 1852.

McLeod, Donald [b],c.1821-1901 (British: Scottish)
Birth: possibly near Dillmore, Barras, Lewis, Scotland.
Death: at or near St. Ignatius Mission, Montana
HBC records show his home parish to be Dillmore when he joined the HBC in 1840, either in Lewis or Canada. After making his way overland to the Pacific slopes in 1841, he spent most of his time at Fort Colvile until in 1847 (or sometime later), he was assigned to Fort Connah, on Post Creek near St. Ignatius, Montana. There he was to be the post farmer and planted wheat on two cultivated acres. However it seems he was still at Fort Colvile at least part of the time, and was assigned to Thompson River [Kamloops], in 1852.

Morelle, Joseph, fl. 1849-1854 (Canadian: French)
Birth: probably Lower Canada
Joseph Morelle joined the HBC in 1849, serving at Fort Nez Perces until 1850. From 1850 to 1854 he was middleman and labourer at Fort Colvile, and he retired after his contract was finished in 1854.

Murray, Daniel, fl. 1844-1849 (British: Orcadian Scot)
Daniel Murray joined the HBC from Deerness in 1844 on a five year contract sailing from Stromness to York Factory on the Prince Rupert. He worked at Fort Vancouver to 1846, and Fort Colvile from 1846 to 1849, when he would have left with the outgoing express about six months after Anderson at the post.

Nerin, Augustin, 1822-? (Canadian: French)
Birth: probably Baie de St. Paul, Lower Canada
Death: probably Oregon Territory
Augustin Nerin joined the HBC from Baie de St. Paul in 1839 and worked at Fort Colvile as Middleman and Boute from 1842-1846. He was sent to New Caledonia for a year but returned to Fort Colvile in 1847, remaining there till 1852.

Ogden, Michel, 1824-? (Mixed descent)
Here is one of my favorite characters, a man who accompanied Anderson on several of his expeditions across country. Michel is the son of Peter Skene Ogden by Julia Rivet, born at Spokane House in 1824. He served at Thompson's River until he came north with Alexander Caulfield Anderson in 1842 and worked at Fort Alexandria. Bruce Watson's book tells me he was post master at Kamloops in 1849-1851 and served at Fort Colvile after 1851. He worked his way through the ranks until he was placed in charge of the Flathead Post (called Fort Connah) in 1853. Michel Ogden worked until 1861 and died in Montana Territory.

Robertson, James [2], c.1827-1852 (British: Orcadian)
Birth: East Voy, Sandwick, Orkney
Death: Flathead District
James Robertson, like his two brothers before him, joined the HBC in 1847 on a five year contract that ended in 1852. He came west over the Rockies in 1848 and began to work that year. By 1849 he was at Fort Colvile. After three years of working around the Fort Colvile district, he died at the Flathead post (Fort Connah) on February 24, 1852, of a "fierce consumption," according to Alexander Caulfield Anderson. Robertson was an "excellent young man and very handy in many ways," A.C. wrote.

Roy, Thomas [2], fl. 1842-1849 (Canadian: French)
Birth: in or near Grand St. Ours or Montreal
Death: possibly Canada
Thomas Roy joined the HBC from the Montreal area in 1842 and retired twice from the Company. He retired first in 1845 from Fort Nisqually/Steamer Beaver, and rejoined again in 1846. This time he served at Fort Colvile where he was a middleman from 1846-1849.

Sagoganiukas, Ignace, c.1816-1850 (Native: Iroquois)
Birth: probably in or near Sault St. Louis, Lower Canada
Death: probably Fort Colvile area
Ignace Sagoganiukas joined the HBC in 1836 and worked on the Pacific slopes for the next fourteen years. After years of working at Fort Vancouver and New Caledonia, he came to Fort Colvile and acted as middleman, 1848-1850. In 1848-1849 he did not work the entire outfit, possibly because of illness. He died the following year of unstated causes, likely in the Fort Colvile area.

Scott, John, c.1827-? (Canadian: English)
John Scott joined the HBC from Montreal in 1845 on a three year contract, and must have acted as John Lee Lewes officer's servant at Fort Colvile, 1845-1847. Lewes (Chief Factor in charge at Fort Colvile to mid-1848) stayed at Fort Colvile for six months after Anderson arrived there, and so John Scott -- who was then District Cook -- would have known Anderson. Scott retired in 1848, six or eight months after Anderson arrived at the fort.

Stensgair, Thomas, c. 1819-1891 (British: Orcadian Scot)
Birth: possibly Birsay, Orkney
Death: probably Addy area, Washington
Thomas Stensgair joined the HBC on March 29, 1838, as a labourer. He sailed from Orkney to York Factory on the same ship as Angus McDonald, who later took charge of Colvile, a post to which Thomas was attached for twelve years. He was middleman at Fort Colvile as early as 1840, and assistant trader by 1847 to 1851, after which he became a labourer. In 1852 he retired and seettled on a homestead two miles north of Addy.

Tayarouyokarari, Michel, fl. 1851-1855 (Native: Iroquois)
Birth: probably Lower Canada
Iroquois Michel Tayarouyokarari joined the HBC in 1851 and served at Fort Colvile as a labourer and boute until 1855, when he retired.

And that is it for the Fort Colvile men between 1848-1852!
There are very few men whose names begin with any letter that comes after the M in the alphabet.
But if you remember, historians say that David Thompson appeared to employ French Canadians whose names began with 'B' -- looking at the list of French Canadians you can see that there are many more men with names beginning with a B or a letter from the beginning of the alphabet, than with a letter at the end (except for M's, which is also popular amongst French Canadians.)

There are some very interesting men in this listing of Fort Colvile employees.
Just so you know, some of these men would hardly have known Anderson.
Those who arrived at the post in 1851-1852 might only have met Anderson in passing.

An explanation: Anderson first arrived at Fort Colvile about late-August 1848, and he and his family left in early November 1851 for Fort Vancouver, exhausted and sick.
Everyone in the district, including every member of the Anderson family, was sick with influenza.
But Anderson was still in charge of Fort Colvile, and returned there with the spring express in April, 1852, after a few months break at his father-in-law's residence at "Birnie's Retreat," (Cathlamet).
Actually for much of the time Anderson was employed at Fort Vancouver, helping Chief Factor John Ballenden make some necessary changes in the running of the district -- changes that Chief Factor Peter Skene Ogden, now on furlough himself, had been too exhausted to make.

Anderson may have returned to Fort Colvile, but it was a short visit.
He had finally received permission to take a furlough, and leaving Fort Colvile in clerk Angus McDonald's hands he returned to Fort Vancouver.
When Anderson next visited the Fort Colvile district, he was no longer an employee of the Hudson's Bay Company.

Fort Colvile men, 1848-1852

2011-09-11T14:13:00.000-07:00

Here's a few more men who worked under Alexander Caulfield Anderson at Fort Colvile -- there's quite a few of them.
All of these biographies come from Bruce Watson's books, Lives Lived West of the Divide.

Greig, John (c. 1825-1893) (British: Orcadian Scot)
The early life of John Greig, a tall, thin, wiry Orcadian is obscure but he was likely born in Kirkwall. He joined the HBC in 1844 and sailed to York Factory. After making his way to the Columbia, he began work at Fort Colvile as a labourer in 1845. Very little is on record at Fort Covlile, but no doubt working with blacksmith/miller James Goudie, John came to know the Goudie family and eventually married the daughter, Margaret. An engaging character, described by an anonymous writer as being humorous, an avid reader and fiddle player (like his father in law), and very religious while liking his "nip." He retired in 1851 and moved north to Fort Victoria.

Hubert, Francois Xavier (c. 1806-?) (Canadian: French)
Middleman, Fort Colvile (1842-1848); Untraced vocation, Fort Colvile (1849-1850); Middleman, Fort Colvile (1850-1852). Francois Hubert joined the HBC from Canada in 1837, and first appeared in the Columbia in 1843 on a contract that ended in 1845. In outfit 1848-49 he received his wages in England. In the next outfit, he was at Fort Colvile and retired in 1852.

Inkster, John [e] (fl. 1848-1853) (British: Orcadian Scot)
Inkster joined the HBC from Orkney on a contract which ended in 1854 and sailed for York Factory. He worked at Fort Colvile after 1849 and was a labourer at Fort Vancouver in 1852-53. He retired in the Columbia in 1853.

Irvine, Peter [a] (fl. 1851-1857) (British: Shetlander)
Peter Irvine joined the HBC from Shetland on March 7, 1850, on a five year contract. After making his way overland from York Factory, he served out his contract at Fort Colvile and left in 1855. He may have returned overland on the brigade and sailed for York Factory to Shetland; if so, he might have emigrated to Vancouver Island in 1857, but this cannot be confirmed. There are undelivered letters in HBCA, one from a desperate Mary Phillips attesting her undying love to Peter.

Johnstone, John [b] (?-1853) (British: Orcadian Scot)
John Johnston joined the HBC from Sandwick, Orkney on May 3, 1853, and sailed the following month for York Factory. He worked for many years in the Columbia, and at Fort Colvile 1849 to 1853. Toward the end of his life his constitution weakened and when he got an inflamed knee, it was more than he could take and he died on Nov. 11, 1853, at Fort Vancouver.

Kainhewait, Ignace (1815-?) (Native: Iroquois)
Columbia district and New Caledonia (1834-1845); Boute, Fort Alexandria (1846); Boute, Fort Colvile (1847-1853). Ignace Kainhenwait joined the HBC from Sault St. Louis in 1834 or 1835. He carried on until 1853, at which time he retired in the Columbia. In 1846 he deserted from A.C.Anderson's brigade of that year, and was briefly imprisoned at Fort Alexandria and released after promising to return to duty. He wanted to take his wife with him on future brigades but was denied the request.

Kaonasse, Michel (c.1815-?) (Native: Iroquois)
Michel Kaonasse joined the HBC in 1833 or 1834, and on his way to the Columbia served as a boute in the Athabasca. In March 1837 he is recorded as returning east over the mountains and in outfit 1839-40 he was paid a gratuity for an extra trip to the Columbia. While stationed at a post, he did carpentry and other work and, in outfit 1840-41, received a gratuity for services between Jasper House and Boat encampment. His wife died at Fort Alexandria April 19, 1843, while Anderson was in charge of the post and he was a boute there. Kaonasse moved down to the Columbia but was at Fort Colvile in 1851-1852 and 1852-1853. Kaonasse's contract ended in 1854 at which point he retired.

Kirorole, Baptiste (c. 1824-?) (Native: Iroquois)
Baptiste Kirorole joined the HBC in 1847 on a three year contract and crossed into the Columbia in the fall of 1847. He was Middleman, or Boute, at Fort Colvile, 1847-1852, and horsekeeper in charge of Fort Okanagan, 1852-1853. He eventually retired in 1856.

Lafleur, Joachim (c. 1806-c.1860's) (Canadian: French)
Joachim Lafleur joined the HBC from Yamaska around 1828 as a middleman and spent his career at either Thompson River or Fort Colvile. He was manager of the Okanagan post off and on with the help of Francois Duchoquette and retired in 1854 to Colvile, opening a little store near Marcus. In the 1860's, while on a trip to purchase a supply of goods, he was murdered near Walla Walla.
I think I have already mentioned that Joachim Lafleur was afraid of snakes.

Lagrave, Godfroi (c.1833-?) (Canadian: French)
Godfroi Lagrave joined the HBC from Yamaska in 1848 on a two-year contract. He came west over the Rockies and worked at Fort Rupert (1849-1851) and Colvile (1851-1856) before retiring in 1856, long after the two year contract was finished.

Landrie, Joseph [a] (c.1806-?) (Probably Mixed descent)
He might have been born in the Athabasca district, and was Middleman at Fort Colvile (1842-1845), and Fort Colvile boatbuilder (1845-1850). He was discharged in 1851.

Lapierre, Jean Baptiste [a] (c.1795-1865) (Mixed descent)
Born in Cumberland House, Jean Baptiste Lapierre spent many years in the fur trade of New Caledonia, before working for Anderson at Fort Alexandria and Thleuz-cuz post between 1845 and 1849. From 1852 to 1856 he was a labourer at Fort Colvile, and he died there thirteen years later.

Larance, Supplie (c. 1808-?) (Canadian: French)
Suplie/Tuplie Larance joined the HBC from Lavaltrie in 1831 and spent much of his career in New Caledonia as a boat builder. He was boatbuilder at Fort Colvile, 1850-1851. When he was discharged in 1851 he appeared to carry on transactions with the Company until 1853.

Working alphabetically, we now come onto two of the "gentlemen" that Alexander Anderson worked with at Fort Colvile. Both are very interesting men.

Lewes, John Lee (1791-1872) (British: English)
Birth: Southwark, England
Death: St. Andrews, Manitoba
HBC Chief Trader, Spokane House, 1821-1823; Chief Factor in charge, New Caledonia, 1845-1847; Chief Factor on furlough, Columbia Department, 1851-1853.
The son of a well known actor-singer of the day and a Miss Rigley, John Lee Lewes joined the HBC in 1807 at the age of fifteen as a writer. He worked east of the Rockies until amalgamation, at which time he was appointed chief Trader and sent for two seasons to Spokane House. Returning to various posts east of the Rockies, he was appointed Chief Factor in 1830. It was while he was in the Mackenzie River area in 1844 that he accidentally shot off his right hand. Consequently, he took a years leave of absence, taking his son, John Jr., to England. In 1845, he was to relieve Donald Manson and put in charge of New Caledonia but, "ill health ... forced him so far to remain [at] Colvile." During the cold winter days, he used to pass the time setting traps for foxes. After that, his career was dotted with one leave of absence and two furloughs until he retired on June 1, 1853.
The above is from Bruce Watson's Lives Lived, and reflects what his records says about him. John Lee Lewes was in charge of Fort Colvile when Alexander Caulfield Anderson arrived at the post, and he left the following spring with the express. Before he left Fort Colvile, he gifted Anderson with a copy of Joseph Howse's dictionary of the Cree language. I have seen the book, which was privately sold to a Vancouver collector about five years ago. In the front of the book, Anderson wrote his name and the date, with "Fort Colvile" written beneath.

McDonald, Angus [b] (1816-1880) (British: Scottish)
Birth: Craig, Ross, Scotland
Death: Flathead Reservation, Montana
HBC Passenger, Prince Rupert IV, 1837; Servant, Fort Colvile, 1839-1840; Post master and clerk, Fort Hall, 1840-1846; Post master and servant, Snake Party, 1840-1847; Clerk, Fort Colvile, 1847-1853; Untraced vocation, Fort Colvile, 1853-1856 (He was actually in charge of the district but worked out of Flathead House for most of the time, I believe); Chief Trader, Fort Colvile, 1856-1869)
Nephew to Archibald McDonald (I don't believe this is true), Angus McDonald joined the HBC as a general servant in 1838, sailing from Orkney to York Factory. Fluent in Gaelic, French, and later several Native languages, McDonald identified strongly with the Natives, particularly the Blackfeet. Preferring to live in lodges and tents, he was noted for his entertaining yarns as well as singing off key. (James Robert Anderson, A.C.'s son, loved this man.) His zest for life endeared him to the Natives and rubbed off on his family. For example, one daughter, Christine, became a fur trader in her own right at Fort Colvile.
Edward Huggins described Angus as: "..rather a good looking man, about six feet in height, straight and slim, but was said to be very wiry and strong. He had a dark complexion and long, jet black hair reaching to his shoulder, and a thick, long, and very black beard and mustache. He wore a dressed deer skin shirt and pants, a regatta, or rowing shirt, and had a blackish silk handkerchief tied loosely around his neck. He had a black piercing eye, and a deep sonorous voice, rather musical, and had a slow and rather monotonous manner of speaking."
As I have told you already (or perhaps it will be the next post when this one is published) Steve Anderson has written a biography of this man, which book will be available about October 15th. I think it should be an interesting read.

This post is a little late because I have taken some time to do the index for my book. It is now finished, and I will continue with the Fort Colvile men in the next post -- or two. I am amazed at how many there are, but the men who worked in the fur trade moved around a lot.

Angus Mcdonald of the Great Divide

2011-09-11T13:44:00.000-07:00

If you are interested in following Alexander Caulfield Anderson around the Fort Colvile district, then I suggest that you place your order for this book:

Title: Angus Mcdonald of the Great Divide: The Uncommon Life of a Fur Trader, 1816-1889
Author: Steve A. Anderson
You can pre-order this book through Barnes & Noble (I have already done so), and Steve says that Amazon will carry it, too.
Angus Mcdonald was Alexander Caulfield Anderson's clerk at Fort Colvile and Flathead House -- Anderson's children loved the man and I think that he and Anderson were very good friends, as well.
And Angus Mcdonald was a character!!!! I will write about him in a later column, for sure.

Oh, by the way, Steve Anderson is not one of our Andersons -- he is the Administrator of the Descendants of Fort Nisqually Employees Facebook page and the retired manager of Fort Nisqually NHS.
I don't know how he got interest in Mcdonald, but he did.

Here is more information on the book.
Publication Date: October 2011
Publisher: Museum of North Idaho
Paperback, 208pp.
ISBN-13 9780982522028
ISBN: 0982522038 [I don't know what the difference between these two ISBN's might be).
So, order the book -- either online as I did this time, or through your local bookseller.
Remember -- when possible, support your local bookstore!!

Alexander Caulfield Anderson at Fort Colvile

2011-09-11T07:49:00.000-07:00

In this photograph of the Coldwater River valley, you can see the east side of the range of hills that the incoming 1848 brigade climbed on their return to Kamloops from the banks of the Fraser River, where they had buried Jacob Ballenden.
That range of hills -- not quite mountains -- stands up to 4500 feet above sea-level, and about 4000 feet above the Fraser River itself.
At its highest point the trail crossed a ridge 4000 feet above sea level.
That is quite a climb for pack-horses.

Once at the top of the hill they dropped down into the Maka Creek and Coldwater River valleys, both about 3500 feet above sea level.
Once in the grassy and open Coldwater River valley the voyageurs became quite cheerful; they knew that it was easy open country between that place and Kamloops.
But they did arrive at Kamloops quite footsore -- because of the shortage of horses many (if not all) of the voyageurs had walked the entire distance from Kequeloose, where Ballenden died, to Kamloops.
According to Donald Manson, they considered that an infringement on their rights.

From Kamloops, Alexander Caulfield Anderson led his Fort Colvile men southward -- probably by the brigade trail -- to his new posting.
At Fort Colvile, Anderson took charge of three important posts and supervised 6 clerks and thirty employees.
Following are the names of some of the men who worked under A.C. Anderson at Fort Colvile, between the years of 1848 and 1852.
I am taking this information from Bruce Watson's 3-volume book, Lives Lived West of the Divide: A Biographical dictionary of Fur Traders Working West of the Rockies, 1793-1858.
No Fort Colvile journals made it to the Hudson's Bay archives, and so I have no other source.

Ateassta, Pierre (Native: Iroquois)
Pierre Ateassta joined the HBC in 1833 from Sault St. Louis and served as a boute in the Athabasca on his way to the Columbia. He appears to have lasted about twenty years as a boute. Little is known about his life, but he stayed within the Fort Vancouver/Fort Colvile area before retiring on March 1, 1852. (There is more information in the actual book).

Aurtaronquash, Louis (fl. 1837-1861) (Native: Iroquois)
Louis Aurtaronquash signed on at Lachine with the HBC as a middleman in 1837. He appears to have spent most of his time at Fort Colvile.

Ballenden, Jacob, the man I spoke of in the last posting -- then to my surprise I found the following man, his brother:

Ballenden, James (c.1822-?) (British: Orcadian Scot)
James Ballenden joined the HBC at Stromness on March 19, 1838, for five years, sailing for York Factory that year. He appeared in the Columbia records in outfit 1846-47 and was discharged in February 1852 after working as a middleman and farmer in several areas. According to his superior, Chief Factor John Ballenden, James Ballenden refused to obey the Chief Factor's orders and so was dismissed from the service and only paid until October 1, 1851. [As far as I know, the two Ballenden brothers were not related to the Chief Factor].

Berland, Edouard (c. 1800-1853) (Mixed descent)
Just when the semi-literate Edouard Berland came to the Pacific slopes has not been established, but in 1827-1828 he was an Indian trader in the Saskatchewan. From 1828-1835 he worked on the Pacific slopes as an independent, occasionally putting in appearances at Fort Colvile, but it was not until 1835 that he was actually hired by the HBC. In the fall of 1841 he had been assigned to provide Governor Simpson with horses at the Continental Divide and sketched a pictograph message with a piece of burnt wood on a tree, signing his name. After some confusion contact was made, Berland guided the party to three hot springs which he claimed had cured him from a severe illness two winters previously. After the 1846 border was drawn, Berland and his family moved upriver to Tobacco Plains. From that point he worked mainly out of Kootenae Fort until he died in 1853.

Bouchez, Vital (fl. 1848-1850) (Canadian: French)
HBC Middleman, Fort Vancouver general charges (1848-1849); Middleman, Fort Colvile (1849-1850). Vital Bouchez joined the HBC from La Prairie in 1848 and returned to Canada in 1850.

Chabotte, Jean Baptiste (c. 1828-?) (Canadian: French)
Middleman, Thompson River (1848-1850); Middleman, New Caledonia (1850-1851); Middleman and Labourer, Fort Colvile (1851-1853). Jean Baptiste Chabotte joined the HBC from Lachine in 1847. His contract was to end in 1854, but he retired one year early, probably with the blessing of the HBC as they were downsizing at the time. (That was about the time when Anderson was asking Peter Skene Ogden for more men; Anderson did not feel happy about the downsizing, obviously).

Charette, Antoine (c.1826-?) (Canadian: French)
Middleman, Columbia Dept (1847-1848); Middleman, Thompson River (1848-1851); Middle and Labourer, Fort Colvile (1851-1855). Antoine Charette joined the HBC from Riviere du Loup in 1847. He split his time between Thompson River and Fort Colvile and retired in 1855.

Craigie, William [b] (fl. 1844-1860) (British: Orcadian Scot)
William Craigie joined the HBC from Orkney in 1843, sailed to York Factory and made his way overland to the Coast. On September 1, 1849, he left for the gold fields of California but he was back by 1851, when he was assigned to Fort Colvile.

Curister, David (fl. 1845-1860) (British: Orcadian Scot)
David Curister appears to have been raised in a family of two sisters and two brothers in the township of Gorseness, Rendall, Orkney. Around 1844, he entered the service of the HBC sailing from Stromness. After he arrived in the Pacific Northwest, he worked mainly in the Fort Colvile area until 1860. (A note from me: David Curister is a character in Steve Anderson's new book about Angus McDonald, just published, and he does not appear to have been a very nice man according to Steve.)

Dease, Napoleon (c. 1827-1861) (Mixed descent: English and Salish/Flathead)
Born in 1827 to fur-trader John Warren Dease and a Flathead woman, and died at Fort Langley, September 1861. Napoleon was born into the fur trade and hired by the HBC in 1846. In 1847-1849 he was an apprentice carpenter at Fort Colvile. In 1852 he was put in charge of Fort Hope but the following year was removed because of "scandalous conduct."

Desautel (DeGaspar), Joseph (c. 1827-?) (Canadian: French)
Joseph Desautel, born Joseph DeSautel DeGasper into a Montreal family of nine children, was educated in French schools and went to work at age eleven. He joined the HBC in 1843 from Yamaska and came west where he spent the rest of his life. Throughout his career with the HBC west of the mountains, he moved progressively south until he reached Fort Colvile, where he spent the last year of his work. He retired in 1852 and remained in the area. He settled in the area and lived there for a long time, and died at Curlew Lake, west of Fort Colvile. On Alexander Caulfield Anderson's 1867 map of British Columbia, which includes the country around Fort Colvile, modern-day Curlew Lake is named 'Eliza Lake' -- probably named by Anderson for his eldest daughter.

Deschiquette, Francois (c.1819-1862) (Mixed descent)
Short and stout Francois Deschiquette was around sixteen years of age when he was hired on locally by the HBC. He is said to have been intelligent and competent in business, but fond of drink. He quit work at Thompson's River in 1849 but re-engaged in 1856 to manage the Okanogan post, though he is listed in the Fort Colvile records as a middleman in the years 1852-1856. He worked at the Similkameen post after the Okanogan post was closed in 1860. In a quarrel with Frank Peto, Deschiquette was shot, and died around forty-two years of age, most likely at the Similkameen post (at Keremeos) on August 30, 1862. His grave is on the north side of Blind creek where the old Similkameen-Fairview Road winds up the hill -- another old grave drivers speed past unaware.

Dumet, Moyse or Moise (fl. 1844-1855) (Canadian: French)
Moyse Dumet joined the HBC from St. Polycarpe in 1844 on a three-year contract. In 1847 he returned to Canada, but returned to work in the Columbia where he worked off and on until 1855. He was a middleman at Fort Colvile, 1849-52, and a labourer for two years after.

Duquette, Antoine (c.1815-1850s) (possibly Canadian: French)
Antoine Duquette joined the HBC in 1835 from Sault Ste. Louis and appears to have spent his career at Fort Colvile. In 1841 he deserted but obviously had a change of heart and returned to work in the fur trade. He is listed as Middleman and boute at Fort Colvile after 1837, and from 1847-1851 he was a Boute (boute as you know is the experienced paddler at the front or back of a canoe). He died sometime in the 1850's.

Finlay, David (?-1849) (Mixed descent)
Apprentice, Fort Colvile (1843-1847); Interpreter, Flathead Post (1847-1848); Apprentice and Interpreter, Fort Colvile (1848-1849); Carpenter, Fort Colvile, 1849. David Finlay joined the HBC in 1843 and worked in the Fort Colvile area. His contract was to have ended in 1850 but on October 1, 1849, he was killed by the Blackfeet Indians when returning to camp after being out hunting. In writing to Governor Simpson, Alexander Caulfield Anderson reported that this young man was the son of the botanist David Douglas.

Flett, Magnus (c.1821-1899) (British: Orcadian Scot)
Magnus Flett joined the HBC in 1844, sailed to York Factory and later worked on the Pacific slopes, mainly as a labourer. He worked as a farmer at Fort Colvile after 1846. When he retired in 1851 he remained in the Colvile area, finally dying of blood poisoning in 1899 at the age of seventy eight.

Flett, Thomas (c.1814-?) (British: Orcadian Scot)
Flett might have been a common name in the Orkneys and there is no indication these two men were related. Thomas Flett was a labourer at Fort Colvile after 1834, and between 1837-1839 it appears he was in charge of Fort Colvile in the summers [when everyone was away on the express?] and Kootenais post in the winters. He was sometimes Middleman at Fort Colvile (1838-1839), sometimes postmaster (1840-1842), and sometimes Interpreter and Indian trader (1842-1851). By 1856 he resided in the Colvile valley and was a citizen of United States.

Garrick, John (c.1832-1893) (British: Scottish)
John Garrick joined the HBC probably in 1850 or 1851 and came to Fort Colvile in 1852. During his time there, he appears to have carried dispatches from Colvile to Vancouver and, in the early 1850's, he took part in the Rogue War. Anderson might have known this man but would not have worked with him for any period of time.

Goudie, James [variation: Goudy] (1809-1887) (British: Orcadian Scot)
As the Goudies of Stromness had been blacksmiths for generations, James Goudie probably found himself working at the forge from an early age. However that did not prevent nineteen year old James from seeking adventure by joining a seasonal whaling vessel which took him to the David Straits in 1828. Nonetheless, back in Stromness, necessity dictated that he return to his inherited profession and so, on May 6, 1829, he joined the HBC as a blacksmith for five years. Leaving behind a widowed mother, two sisters and a married brother for the last time, he sailed to York Factory, made his way across the continent and spent the winter of 1829 at a Peace River fort. That winter, the new working environment dictated that he learn French; additionally he learned to play the violin which he built himself. His violin playing was to last for many years -- in 1849 he asked John Charles, who was passing through Fort Colvile on the Columbia Express, to obtain a fiddle or strings for him. He had begun work at Fort Colvile in 1830, and managed the fort's grist mill. (I have something to add to this story that appears to be unknown by Bruce Watson.) James Goudie came to Victoria where he died in 1887. His grave is in Ross Bay cemetery.

Gouin, Pierre (c.1807-1859) (Canadian: French)
Long-time Middleman, New Caledonia (1828-1846); Middleman, Thompson River (1846-1847); Middleman, Fort Alexandria (1847-1848); Middleman, New Caledonia (1848-1819); Middleman, Fort Colvile (1849-1850); Boute, Fort Colvile (1850-1851). Anderson would have known this man fairly well, as he worked with him at Fort Alexandria and later at Fort Colvile. Gouin retired in 1851 in the Fort Colvile area and died there in 1859.

Well, so far I have gone through the first volume of this three volume book and already I have identified a good number of the men who worked at Fort Colvile while Anderson was there.
I will continue this listing in my next posting -- well, maybe the posting after the next posting -- next weekend probably.
It is interesting to see the wide variety of men who worked in the fur trade at a single post like Fort Colvile.
Some were quite old and had a great deal of experience.
Others were young men from interesting and varying backgrounds.
Only a few were born into the fur trade and knew no other life.
We will see what I come up with in the next batch of Fort Colvile employees under Alexander Caulfield Anderson, 1848-1852.

Jacob Ballenden

2011-09-04T04:41:00.000-07:00

A ghostly cross floating above a tangle of bushes -- a piece of fur trade history that thousands of drivers speed past every day, unaware.
This is the graveyard just south of Alexandra Lodge, in the Fraser River canyon, where Alexander Caulfield Anderson and his men buried Orkneyman Jacob Ballenden two hundred and thirty seven years ago.
His was the first grave here, but others followed, and there are now two historic graveyards at the foot of the 1848 Anderson River brigade trail where Jacob Ballenden killed himself so many years ago.

Jacob Ballenden came from Sandwick, Orkney, and entered the fur trade in 1842.
For five years he served at Fort Colvile on the Columbia River, before spending a year at Cowlitz Farm in 1847-1848.
He must have returned to Fort Colvile with the Fort Vancouver men who were sent upriver to assist the outgoing Fort Colvile brigade as they took their furs out by horseback over the unfinished Anderson's River trail to Fort Langley in 1848.
As you probably know, the Fort Colvile men always delivered their furs to Fort Vancouver by boat every summer.
But 1848 was a different year, and Jacob Ballenden's sudden death was the result of those changed circumstances.

The changes began slowly.
In 1846-1847 the measles was epidemic throughout much of Europe; it reached North America and appeared to travel from the east toward the west.
It was reported in Red River about 1846, and from there spread west and south to reach the Shoshone people of modern-day Wyoming in 1847.
The Americans who travelled the Oregon Trail were blamed for bringing the measles west, though my source, Robert Boyd's The Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence; Introduced Infectious Diseases and Population Decline among Northwest Coast Indians, 1774-1874 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1999), says they were not responsible for the outbreak amongst the Natives at Waiilatpu.
It appears that horse-trading Natives who visited California in summer 1847 brought the disease north with them.
The illness spread quickly amongst the Indian bands that visited the Waiilatpu mission east of Fort Nez Perce, on the Columbia River -- a place where many Native tribes met, mixed, and feasted.
In July 1847, artist Paul Kane wrote of the illness that spread among the Natives returning from California, talking of their "suffering and detention by sickness."
Kane described how a surviving Native chief who had been part of this horse-trading expedition told others of his tribe what had happened:
"After describing the progress of the journey up to the time of the disease (the measles) making its appearance....he began to name its victims one afer another.
"On the first name being mentioned, a terrific howl ensued, the women loosening their hair and gesticulating in a most violent manner...
"He, after much persuasion, named a second and third, until he had named upwards of thirty."

Measles is an illness that is spread by contact, and the Natives gathered in large numbers at Waiilatpu.
They also sent messengers to all the villages nearby, and some of these messengers carried the measles virus with them.
The virus travelled north to Fort Colvile, where one hundred Native men died.
At Kamloops thirty five Natives died and all the men at the fort were flattened by the illness; at Fort Alexandria a substantial number of Natives died and everyone inside the fort fell sick.

But at Waiilatpu mission the Cayuse Natives appeared to succumb to a particularly malignant mixture of measles and dysentry.
The missionary, Dr. Marcus Whitman, continued to treat the sick with whatever medicines he had available.
An American or half-breed troublemaker named Joe Lewis had arrived at Waiilatpu in 1847, and spread rumours amongst the Natives, telling the Cayuse that Dr. Whitman was spreading poison in the air to kill off the tribe.
The desperate and frightened Natives believed Lewis and decided to get rid of Dr. Whitman.
They swarmed into the mission and massacred the residents, including Dr. Whitman, his wife Narcisse, and other missionaries or employees of the place.
In their March 1848 letter to Governor Simpson, James Douglas and Peter Skene Ogden reported from Fort Vancouver:
"...In a fit of desperation, they [the Cayuse] attacked the American Mission at Waiilatpoo near Walla Walla [Fort Nez Perce], and murdered Dr. Whitman, his accomplished Lady and 11 other American citizens, with the most heartless and revolting barbarity.
"Intelligence of that fatal disaster arrived here five days posterior to the event, through a messenger dispatched from Walla Walla by Mr. [William] McBean.
"It was immediately resolved to send up a force for the protection of the Company Establishment at Walla Walla, and, if possible, to rescue the surviving members of the unfortunate Mission family who remained in the hands of the Indians...
"Chief Factor Ogden took command of that party, and after a rapid march arrived safely at Walla Walla..."

Ogden successfully rescued many of the survivors, but as the result of the American settlers' reaction to the Waiilatpu massacre, and the distrust that had caused the massacre, many of the Native tribes along the river went to war.
The fur traders decided to bring out their furs over the trail that Alexander Caulfield Anderson had explored in 1847 through the Fraser Canyon and over the hills behind Kequeloose to the Nicola Valley.
The Kamloops and Fort Langley men patched up the road as best they could, but the four hundred horses of the combined brigades had a difficult time coming out over the virtually unimproved trail.
They had to return over the same difficult trail.
It was apparently too much for Jacob Ballenden.

A young clerk named Henry Newsham Peers kept a record of the incoming brigade of 1848: Private journal of Henry Peers from Fort Langley to Thomsons river, summer 1848 [BCArchives]
In it he recorded Jacob Ballenden's death:
"We encamped at the foot of Big hill where the road leaves Fraser River, many of Brigades only arriving when pitch dark & consequently great confusion from horses straying with their loads and so forth; several fell down a steep hill on nearing the encampment (the only bad one on the road) from weakness, threw their loads & a bale was swept off in the river before it could be seized & one animal killed.
"Deynette [?] slept here to take care of the aforesaid pieces.
"7th August -- Rainy weather -- This morning Jacob Ballenden was found dead near the encampment with his gun discharged by his side, shot thro' the heart; it is supposed he committed suicide; the day was spent in collecting strayed horses with their loads and all found but 6 pieces and another horse killed.
"A war party of the Chute indians against those of Anderson's River passed the camp and created some little alarm.
"Weather cold & showery, interred the deceased Pere Nobili saying the funeral service -- nothing I may say here for the horses to feed on."

On his arrival at Kamloops, Donald Manson reported on Ballenden's death to the Board of Management at Fort Vancouver [B.223/b/37, HBCA]:
"I am truly sorry to inform you of the death of one of our men (Jacob Balentine from Colvile) on the morning of August [7th] he was found dead about 1/2 mi. from our camp, shot through the heart, his gun lying by his side & discharged.
"Mr. Anderson with several of his men who went to carry in the body to the camp declared it as their opinion that the poor unfortunate man must have put an end to his own existence either designedly or by accident, as no traces were seen near the body which might lead to the supposition that he had been killed by Indians.
"The body was becomingly interred on the spot."

From Kamloops, Alexander Caulfield Anderson rode south east with the Fort Colvile men, to take over the command of that fort.
He would never return to Fort Alexandria, New Caledonia, where he had spent a little more than five years in command of the post.
But he would again ride over the Anderson's River trail one more time, leading the Fort Colvile men to Fort Langley and back.

Section A of the Hudson's Bay Company records

2011-09-03T10:09:00.000-07:00

Section A is a separate section of HBCA records, which contains the Governor and Committee (London Office) Records Finding Aid.
These records were created by the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, in London.
A listing of these records have, until recently, not been available to an online search -- I know that the British Columbia archives had a listing of the Section A records on microfilm.
They are now available online at the Hudson's Bay Company archives.
There is information here that is not contained in other records, and most if not all is available on microfilm.
However, you search for these records through Keystone -- that is, the Keystone Archives Descriptive Database.

Here is how the Hudson's Bay Company archives records were originally set up, in 1920 or thereabouts:
Section A -- London Office Records (Governor and Committee)
Section B -- Post Records, which contain surviving post journals and account books, and sometimes include Lists of Men employed at the HBC posts and Miscellaneous records. The catalogue listing is viewable online and for the most part can be requested on microfilm through your local library.
Section C -- Ships' Records -- the records of various ships that sailed up and down the coast, easily accessible by microfilm.
Section D -- Governor's Papers and Commissioner's Office Documents, including Governor Simpson's outgoing and incoming correspondence.
Section E -- Private records. For example, the Anderson Family papers are those of Alexander Caulfield Anderson's older brother, James Anderson A.
Section F -- Subsidiary Companies. The records of the North West Company are in this section, as are those of other companies attached, however tenuously, to the HBC.
Section G -- Maps, which can be searched online and viewed on microfilm. If you want to order a good copy of any map, please find the HBC Archives' instructions and read them carefully.
Section H -- Western Department Land Records, which I have not viewed but which are easily accessible.
Section Z -- Miscellaneous records, which are sometimes worth requesting to see what's available, though I think they are not always microfilmed.

Except for Section A, all of the above can be searched in the Hudson's Bay Company archives and can be requested, if microfilmed.
Only Section A is searched through the Keystone Archives Descriptive Database.
You will probably have to fool around with the database to discover how it works -- I know that I found some interesting material on there.
Amongst the HBCA's Information Sheets, I found this listing of records available in Section A:

Servants' contracts, 1780-ca.1926 -- A.32/1-60
Officers' and servants ledgers and account books, 1719-1922 -- A.16/1-114
Officers' and servants' wills, 1763-1921 -- A.36/1-15
Lists of HBC servants, 1774-1841 -- A.30/1-17
Servants' character and staff records, 1822-1832, 1851-1905 -- A.34/1-5, 8

By searching through the Keystone Archives Database, you will discover which reels to request from HBCA.
I suggest searching both for headings such as "servants' contracts" and also for your ancestor's name.
If I remember, the Keystone Archives Database is part of the Manitoba Archives page rather than the HBCA search page, which might confuse you for a moment or two.
But it works, and if there is a London record you should find it on this search page.
Good luck.

Facebook

2011-08-21T13:24:00.000-07:00

Yes. FACEBOOK!
If you want to research the fur trade, this is not a resource you should turn your nose up at!
I have my own Facebook page on which I speak to all the Birnie, Beaulieu, and Anderson descendants -- at least those who will join Facebook (which is all but one or two).
I am an active member in the Descendents of Fort Nisqually Employees Association Facebook page, and I have learned a lot from the members on that page, and have new friends I can visit, should I ever get down to Fort Nisqually.
I am fairly active in the Children of Fort Langley Facebook page, which is a group not quite as active as the Fort Nisqually group.
And I am the Administrator of the Descendents of David Thompson's men Facebook page, and although it is still a small group, we share a lot of information between us!
One of those descendents enjoyed Facebook so much that he went away and set up his own Descendents of Jaco Finlay Facebook page, where he shares all the genealogical information he has collected over the years.
Because my Beaulieu ancestor ran around with Jaco Finlay, I am an invited and fairly chatty member on that page.
It's private -- if you aren't a member you can't access the information.

Now, I can't say that's entirely true -- there are pages that are open where you can listen to French music.....just by friending the page.
I get announcements from Kamloops Museum and various writing groups.
You can join who you want to join, and cut them off if they take over your page (as I did with the Oregon Historical Society).

I learn new things all the time!
On the Fort Nisqually page I learned when Father Demers visited the fort.
Demers described the fort he saw, and because someone on that page knew when Father Demers had visited, I then knew the information applied to the fort that Anderson took charge of a year or two later!

On the same page I learned about the Perseid Meteor Shower -- and this from the Descendents of Fort Nisqually Employees page:
"PERSEID METEOR SHOWER -- While no Fort Nisqually journal exists for this month, day, or year, others kept records while visiting Nisqually. One person, John Clarke, came with the Wilkes Expedition, and in his book wrote the following about May 31, 1841:
"'At ten minutes past 8 o'clock, a meteor of immense magnitude and brilliancy shot across the heavens in a north-west direction, illuminating the heavens to such an extent that there was a resemblance to a sheet of fire, till it nearly reached the horizon, when it exploded, sending off myriads of coruscations [glitter or flashes of bright light] in every direction. When it first commenced its flight, it was exceedingly slow in its descent, but as it increased its distance toward the horizon, it increased its velocity considerably, until it burst. Many old seamen on board never witnessed a meteor half so large, nor one whose light remained so long visible. From the time it was first seen until it entirely disappeared, was one hour and twenty-five minutes.'"

Now that's a pretty interesting little thing to know if I have to write about Fort Nisqually when Alexander Caulfield Anderson was there -- because he was there at that time!
He must have witnessed this event, though he never wrote about it.

FACEBOOK can be fun too!
I posted a photograph of the camas blooming outside my window, and the members of the group enjoyed a two week long conversation about camas, with each member telling their camas story.
Do you know what camas is? Because if you didn't know what camas was you would certainly know by the end of that conversation!
We talked about Licamous -- do you know what that is?
You would know if you had been a member of this group.
I added what James Robert Anderson had to say about camas.
We talked about Death Camas!
It was a delightful conversation that everyone enjoyed, and the conversation lasted a good two weeks.
We all shared information -- and that is what FACEBOOK is good at doing!

While I don't know that you can find a Facebook site that covers the area where your fur trade ancestor worked in, I suggest you try.
Google the forts they worked in and see if there is a descendents group.
Join the group -- and if they are on Facebook, join the Facebook page.
You might be surprised by what you learn -- it is a perfect genealogical tool IF you can find a group that worked with your ancestor!
And you learn more than genealogy, too. You learn about the actual life your ancestor experienced.
At least that has been my experience.

Oh! The picture at the top of the page?
That's camas.
Now you know!

Hiking the HBC Brigade Trail

2011-08-21T09:11:00.000-07:00

You are probably not going to hear from me next week!
I am taking a hike up a spectacular section of the historic Hudson's Bay Company Brigade Trail, behind Hope.
This organized hike is taking place through the Hope Mountain Centre for Outdoor Learning, and they hiked the 12-km section from Jacobson Lake to Sowaqua Creek last year.
This year I am joining them to hike a much shorter piece of trail, "but one with rewarding views and a colourful history."
The hike will begin on the west side of Sowaqua Creek valley, and climb a steep trail through old-growth forests to "Fools Pass" and Manson's Ridge.
We can take in views west to Fort Hope and east to Mount Davis and the Tulameen plateau.
The literature doesn't tell me whether or not we can look down the Nicolum and Sumallo River valley and it is likely we can't.
This is a relatively short hike: 5 kilometers (2.5km. up and 2.5 km. down).
But the elevation gain is 500 metres!
Everyone on the hike must be in moderately good physical shape and able-bodied -- no weak knees allowed!
The trail is very steep in places and hiking poles are recommended.
The hike takes place on Saturday, August 27, and there still seems to be room if you feel like joining in.
Contact the organizers through their website, Hope Mountain Centre for Outdoor learning, or email them at info@hopemountain.org
Telephone: 604-869-1274.

You will need to bring: high-energy snack food, 2 litres of water, warm clothes and rain gear, sunglasses, sun hat, sun block, camera or binoculars, and hiking poles.
Wear hiking books, not runners, and don't bring your dog!

The map above is a small piece of A.C. Anderson's 1867 map of British Columbia, CM/F9, BCA -- a black and white copy which I inherited from my uncle.
I have the colour version, but it is in Vancouver with the illustrator who is designing the book.
This above piece of map will show, to the right hand side, a little piece of the trail we are hiking.
It is the most difficult part of the brigade trail, probably, and the piece of trail that caused the fur traders the most stress.
In the days when Alexander Caulfield Anderson rode over the trail, no one seemed to complain about the loss of horses as they pushed them off the edge of Manson Ridge.
One early writer (I think Susan Allison) described how the horses were herded off the ridge and down the steep trail.
Those horses familiar with the trail made it to the bottom, while newcomers fell and broke their legs or were killed.
There were always complaints from the interior of the shortage of horses -- perhaps that is why.

On the 12th of April 1854, James Douglas wrote to Donald Manson at Fort St. James: "You also refer to the subject of the transport horses, a certainly endless theme, and one which I did not expect to hear renewed after the great trouble and expense we have had in providing the large supply of horses, no less than 63 sent into New Caledonia last year....
"The loss of horses in the interior for these last few years has been a subject of remark throughout the country and there is a very general impression that the New Caledonia horses are both overloaded and neglected on the journey."

In Douglas' letters there are clues that the fur traders have begun to look for a new trail that would avoid Manson's Ridge.
On August 1st 1854 Douglas wrote to Paul Fraser, at Kamloops: "I am happy to hear that there is a prospect of finding a better road than the present one through Manson's Mountain, and I trust you have succeeded with Mr. Manson's assistance in getting it opened for the passage of the brigades."
In this letter there is no clue as to where the new road lay, but it appears they would try to follow a trail that led them through "a depression in the mountains leading direct to Fraser's River a little below the junctions of Harrison's River where where there is an extensive range of alluvial plains capable of maintaining the brigade horses for any desirable length of time."
A later letter tells us that the trail actually ended up on the other side of the Fraser River opposite the mouths of Harrison River, and it appears they planned to come down the Chilliwack River.
To Manson, Dougals wrote: "Your remarks in respect to the difficulties of the Fort Hope route are I admit well grounded and I think [when] the other route by the Chilwaywook valley is rendered passable the better for all accounts agree in representing it as free from most of the defects of the other road."
By August 1855, Gavin Hamilton "who was employed with a party of two men and Indians, in exploring the route to the Interior, by the Chilwayook valley has completed that service, and reports very favouably of that line of road..."
"It therefore possesses great advantages over the Fort Hope road, and entirely avoids the Mountain barrier which forms the principal difficulty of that route."
But Gavin Hamilton was probably new to the fur trade and did not understand the requirements of a brigade trail.
Within a year or two that trail remained unfinished and, as it was discovered it was too difficult to travel, abandoned.

That wasn't the only exploration going on.
On September 23 1856, Douglas wrote: "Your account of that road as gathered from Indian reports is far more favourable than the description given of it by Lolo, who does not appear to think it at all better than the present route."
This was a new trail from Fort Hope by the Coquihalla River, and it probably ascended the mountain by either Sowaqua, or Dewdney Creek.
A trail up Dewdney Creek would avoid Manson Ridge, probably, but one up Sowaqua Creek would not.
Whichever trail the furtraders were exploring was abandoned when Jean Baptiste Lolo reported that the northern trail was not better than the well used trail up Peers Creek.
After that time there is little mention of the route of the trail, and I presume that the brigaders continued on the old trail down Manson Mountain.
And this is the trail that I will be exploring on Saturday, August 27th.

A Genealogy tool for the Future -- Project RestingSpot

2011-08-21T08:04:00.000-07:00

A few weeks ago a long-distance cousin, descendant of my grandfather's older brother Walter Birnie Anderson, travelled north from Seattle to introduce himself.
I arranged that other Anderson descendants who live nearby would also be in town, and the party was enlarged by another fur trade descendant who is related to us through the Birnies.
We planned to visit all the family graves: James Robert Anderson and his wife are buried in Ross Bay cemetery, in Victoria, and Alexander Caulfield Anderson and Betsy Birnie lie under a beautiful gravestone in the burial ground in front of St. Stephens Church, in North Saanich.
It is A.C.Anderson's grave which is pictured at the top of the page.

Our first visit was to Ross Bay, a sprawling cemetery in Oak Bay next to the ocean.
I have found James' grave before, and I knew which section of the graveyard it was in.
But this time the pair of us spent a fruitless hour searching the entire section of the graveyard, all without finding the grave.

The people who have organized a website called Project RestingSpot aim to end all this confusion.
Their website was created out of the same frustration that my cousin and I experienced; my contact said he set up the service after he spent a frustrating afternoon searching for his grandfather's grave.
This website will enable family members to find their ancestors grave with ease, and they will be able to share that information with other family members in the future.
Through the RestingSpot website and with smart phones with a free application utilizing GPS technology, the location of every resting spot across the United States can be located and added to their database.
People searching in cemeteries for their ancestor's grave can be guided directly to the spot through the website.
Moreover, when the location is added to the RestingSpot website, other family members can share membories and post photographs and messages.
And down the road, of course, descendants of those people will be able to find their ancestor's grave with ease.

There is no reason why the gravesites listed on their website need to be recent deaths.
Those people who have located their ancestor's grave can also upload the information to the site, and by doing so might meet other family members they may otherwise not have met, to share information with them.
This site could become almost as important as Ancestry, perhaps, if those people who are into smart phones and genealogy are interested in recording the location of their ancestors.
In a few years, it is possible that genealogy will look quite different than it does today, in fact.

RestingSpot's goal is to obtain the exact location of every gravesite in every cemetery in the United States by Memorial Day, 2013, and they are looking for volunteers to help them.
They are not limiting this to the United States -- we in Canada or other parts of the world can send RestingSpot an email to request that a cemetery be added to the database.
When its added, you can then add your ancestor to the site.
Even if you want to have a profile page for your ancestor but you cannot mark it at the time, you can send a detailed email to support@restingspot.com and they will help you out.

Here is the contact information for RestingSpot, should you wish to view their webpages.
Website: http://www.RestingSpot.com
Facebook page: http.//www.facebook.com/pages/RestingSpot/217684168263834
Twitter: http://twitter.com/restingspot

Have fun with this -- you might even find your ancestor already on it!
By the way, we did find James Anderson's grave, or at least my long-distance found it a day or two later.
Our Birnie descendant friend brought out her copy of the Ross Bay cemetery map and showed him where it was, and he visited the grave the next day.
He told me we were only one or two graves away from James' grave!

The Pathfinder

2011-08-16T07:24:00.001-07:00

To my readers: This is the cover of the book, The Pathfinder: A.C. Anderson's Journeys in the West.
You can print this page out and present it to your local bookstore, telling them you want to order a copy of this book.
You can also take this to your local museum; however many smaller museums will be closed for the winter.

Below is the information that your local bookstore will need:
Author's name: Nancy Marguerite Anderson
Publisher: Heritage House
Contact: Neil Wedin, Media & Publicity
250-360-0829, neil@heritagehouse.ca

To order, call Heritage Group Distribution
1-800-665-3302
ISBN 978-1-926936-82-6
eISBN 978-1-927051-02-3

You, the reader, can order the book through the Heritage House website, or at your local bookstore.
If you are Canadian, you are supporting a Canadian business either way.
However, I hope some of my readers -- both Canadian and American -- will support their local bookstore by ordering the book through them.

Thanks for your support.

Potatoes at Fort Alexandria

2011-08-14T08:14:00.000-07:00

You may wonder why I am writing about such an obscure subject as potatoes in the fur trade, but I have had an interesting conversation with one of my readers that might lead us to some interesting places.
You will not read about the beginnings of that story in this posting, but you will learn what I have so far learned about the types of potatoes that might have been at Fort Alexandria.
I have to qualify this statement -- Fort Alexandria was constructed by the men of the North West Company in 1821, but immediately run by the HBC.
I can so far only tell you what potatoes the HBC might have brought north from Fort Vancouver -- not those the NWC men might have imported from Lachine.

Now, from the Fort Alexandria journals, I am going to find all mentions of potatoes so that we can determine what kinds of potatoes might have been grown there.
How interesting -- on the 31st December 1842, after the shooting contest which I may or may not have mentioned previously, the "Indians got 6 kegs potatoes & 1 yard tobacco by way of festive."
So Fort Alexandria grew enough potatoes that they could give them to the Natives as a gift.
Did the Natives eat the potatoes, or did they plant them?

In May 1843, the "men of the establishment busy getting seed into the ground." Potatoes can be sown from seed, but for the most part potatoes are grown from seed potatoes -- that is, sections of cut up potatoes that contain the "eyes," or seeds for the future crop.
On June 15th 1843, "Michel [Ogden] & 2 Indian lads hoeing earth round potatoes in garden, which are now long enough."
On July 8th, "Our potatoes & turnips which have been duly thinned & hoed are thriving well. The barley is earing fast."
On the 13th, "Linneard earthing up potatoes at barn with the plough aided by Indian lads with hoes," and a day later, "Finished the potatoes at barn. Nothing new occurring."
There is a mention that the men of Fort St. James arrived at Fort Alexandria in September, telling Anderson that 60 bushels of the potatoes had been harvested at that northern post.
As it happens that year, the journal that covers the fall harvest is missing and there is no mention of how many potatoes Fort Alexandria harvested in summer 1843.

On 24th of April, 1844, "Finished ploughing our potato land -- transported potatoes to field preparatory to planting tomorrow."
On the 30th, "Finished planting our potatoes, say about 60 bus[hels] in all -- at farm and in the vicinity of the fort & little river."
Their farm work had been delayed by the brigade's arrival from Fort St. James, and departure for Kamloops over the new brigade trail.
On June 12 the men "harrowed the potatoes with a light harrow;" on the 22nd they "finished earthing our potatoes, which have a good appearance."
At the beginning of July, "we cut the heads off of the potatoes planted at Little River, as the stalks were too long."
They harvested their potatoes in early October: "Fine. Finished taking up potatoes at Barn, 35 1/2 kegs, which wt about 15 or 20 already [illeg.] form 50 kegs or so out of that patch. Rain during night."
On the 7th of October: "Dug up onions, carrots, &c. Gendron & Therouiac are now the only men about the estab. The former, who is cook &c, transports the potatoes in the cart. The latter remains encamped at potato field to superintend operations there."
The men also camped at the potato fields to prevent theft!
On October 18th -- "Finished taking in our potatoes on Wednesday last, say 420 kegs only housed -- The crop failed naturally, not having advanced anything since brigade time."
That summer foul weather ruined many of the crops that grew around Fort Alexandria.

In 1845 the Fort Alexandria started their planting in early May, "planting 15 kegs potatoes by little river & continued at barn. At the latter place (the ground being more exhausted) we are transporting manure to be placed in the drills. I prefer to plant a smaller quantity & give them this advantage, but I shall strive to get a good stock into the ground."
On the 10th: "Finished planting potatoes at barn, where 22 kegs have been put in with manure in the drills. Say 37 kegs in all at the farm. The May/45 slips are small and shrunken, so that a larger piece of land than ordinary is this year under potatoes. And now may God grant us a good return in due season. We are 12 days later than last year."
It was a difficult spring, with snow lying late in the year and the river flooding some of their fields -- "the Indians [agreed] in stating that the water never yet to their knowledge attained its [present] height."
June 11th -- "Linneard dressing the potatoes with a light harrow."
June 14th -- "Last night a sharp frost cut nearly all our potatoes to the ground. Though they will doubtless recover, this check will injure them materially. they had previously a very fine appearance."
The men hoed the potatoes on June 24th; on July 4th, "Linneard giving the 2nd earthing up to potatoes very lightly with the plough."
At the end of July, "All hands with ploughs & hoes earthing up potatoes. This is the fourth working they have had. 1st with the light harrow; 2nd with the hoe; 3rd a light earthing with plough; 4th now again. One of the fields is thriving well. That by the barn, however, does not at present promise very favorably."
On the 3rd of September they began working on the potato fields, after all the wheat was in.
"Liard with a number of Ind. lads, began digging potatoes, the crop of which promises to be abundant."
On the 16th of October, "We finish bringing down our potatoes today,632 kegs in all rendered to root house."
On the 31st December the Natives once again received their "treat of potatoes &c with a good smoke. I availed myself of the opportunity to speak a few words of incitement in regard to their marten hunts, which have been neglected lately."

In Anderson's writings we might also find some information about the potatoes:
In his draft unpublished manuscript British Columbia, Anderson writes "The amount of crop they annually raised [at Fort Alexandria] was generally about five hundred bushels of wheat, several hundred of barley and oats; a thousand or twelve hundred of potatoes, besides a large quantity of turnips...."
From the same source, Anderson writes, "At Fort St. James potatoes, though sometimes raised, are a precarious crop."

This might be of interest to some people who read this blog:
From the Fort Alexandria journals: In April 1846, Anderson writes in the post journal that "Eleven Indians [are] working the soil [at our] suggestion, and I have promised to supply them seed potatoes."
And so there it is -- Natives might have grown the same kind of potatoes that were grown at the fur trade posts in the interior.

So what kind of potatoes did the fur traders grow?

At Fort Vancouver they grew bush potato, red potato, Brotchie potato, early blue potato, Ladies Finger potato, and early ash leaf Kidney, according to Hussey, "Fort Vancouver Farm."

In an early search I was unable to find out anything about the bush potato that might have grown there, but on further research I consider Fort Vancouver's bush potato might be a sweet potato.
Many sweet potato varieties grow on marigold-like vines, but there are varieties that grow on bushes.
I consider that the sweet potato, with its orange coloured flesh and white or orange skin, is probably what the fur traders called the bush potato.

We all know what red potatoes are, but these will be heritage red potatoes that will be quite different than the red-skinned potatoes we purchase in the grocery store today.
I believe they would have red flesh that would whiten as they were cooked, and a red to purple coloured skin, if the British heritage potato site I discovered is correct.

Blue potatoes still exist, and have a blue flesh and a bluish-purplish skin.
They are quite beautiful, in fact.

An early Ash-leaf Kidney potato is listed on heritage potato sites and is a kidney shaped potato with a light buff skin.

Brotchie potatoes are a bit of a mystery.
They are English potatoes which were imported to Fort Vancouver by Captain William Brotchie -- hence their name.
All I know is that it was supposedly an early kidney variety -- that is, another kidney shaped potato.
There are tons of potato varieties in England -- "scotch down," "red down," early pinkeye," white kemp," "ash leaf Kidney," and "brown potatoes" to name a few.
If anyone knows what kind of potato the Brotchie potato is, please let me know.

Finally we have the Ladies' Finger potato, grown at Fort Vancouver and also at Fort Nisqually.
From BackyardGardener.com, here is a description of the modern-day Lady Finger potato, Solanum Tuberosum:
"Lady Finger is a great heirloom variety. Its form is slim, connected tubers, not unlike the form of ginger. The flesh is yellow, and they taste delicious."
The Ladies' Finger potato was grown at Fraser's Lake, if not at Fort Alexandria.
From Anderson's British Columbia:
"Potatoes yielded well. In 1839 from fifteen bushels of cut seed seven hundred bushels were gathered.
"They were of the Ladies' Finger variety, planted in a piece of light sandy soil which had been under uninterrupted crop with little or no mature for nearly thirty years.
"A heavy coating of stable manure was given as a preparation for the crop alluded to, and the season proved very favorable."

Of course, the fur trade potatoes were not the only potatoes that might have appeared in New Caledonia, or modern day British Columbia.
There were always potatoes grown by the Natives in North America -- whether they travelled northward from South America or were given to Natives on the coastline by the Spaniards or Russians, they have existed for many years.
The Haidahs and Alaskan Tlingits have grown potatoes for many years, as have the Nootka people and the Makahs at Neah Bay.
These potatoes have existed for so long amongst the Natives that they consider them traditional foods.
There is also the Wapato, a swamp plant that resembles potatoes and is sometimes used like a potato.
Potatoes, which began their history in South America, have taken many paths in their journeys around the world since the early 1700's.

British Columbia Metis Research

2011-08-10T05:59:00.000-07:00

For all of you who are still researching your fur trade ancestors, I have forgotten one important resource that anyone can access, for free, no matter where you live.
This is the B.C. Metis Mapping Research Project's Historical Document Database, at www.ubc.bcmetis.ca
You do not have to be a member of the British Columbia Metis Nation to access this database, but you do register.
There is tons of information on this database and I think many of you will be able to spend a few hours in research.

Another listing of genealogical resources might also assist you in your search.
On the BC Metis Nation website go to "Citizenship Resources/Genealogical research."
You will find a list of places where you can find birth/marriage/death certificates and other resources, and there may be a few places listed that you have not thought of looking in.
This list might also be worth a look.

Alexander Caulfield Anderson

2011-08-07T18:16:00.000-07:00

With thanks to Scott Anderson, descendant of Alexander Caulfield Anderson's son, Walter Birnie Anderson, for the use of this original photograph.

The Index!

2011-08-07T08:41:00.000-07:00

A few weeks ago I talked to a fur trade historian about having her read my manuscript for a cover quote, and she asked me whether or not I had begun my index yet.
I told her I hadn't.
She told me sternly that the index is very important -- that it is the guide to the book and it has to be right to work.
Well, she ought to know, and even though I do not have the designed book, I started work on the index.
I know now what she meant.
I went through my edited copy of the manuscript and indexed it, and came out with an index some thirty typewritten pages long.
Moreover, it took me three or four full writing days to complete this massive job!
Then I started to organize the index.

For example: I have 97 persons to index, to which I have to add the members of the Anderson-Seton family (3 brothers and sisters, five children, seven grandparents and uncles in the Anderson family, and three Seton ancestors), all of which are bundled in separate sections.
I have 19 lakes to index; 42 rivers; 41 fur trade posts; 20 places known to the fur traders (ie. Boat Encampment); three or four express routes and 6 brigade trails; 2 fur trade companies; 30 subjects (ie. Smell of furs) or incidences of importance (ie. Yakima War) in the fur trade; and one Japanese junk shipwrecked on the Pacific Northwest coast.
I have 27 Native tribes to deal with, with subjects separately indexed under headings such as Native fisheries, paths, bridges, or villages.
I have bundled a number of Fraser and Columbia River features (ie. The Dalles) in separate sections, and the eleven ships mentioned in this book have their own little grouping!
It's like putting together a massive crossword puzzle when you have only the words and no clues or numbered squares to help you put the puzzle together!

Then I have to decide what I am going to index re: Anderson himself -- his three Bibles; descriptions by various persons;his interests in firearms, mapmaking, and writing.
How do I indicate these?
I haven't even mentioned the American territories and British colonies and the new towns after 1850 (USA) and 1858 (BC); the Customs House scandal; Anderson's childhood in India and London; his years as a Saanich farmer and his second careers as Indian Reserve Commissioner and Fisheries Inspector!
I also have to indicate the images we are including in the book, and in some cases the captions hold important information not contained elsewhere.
For example: under the image of a fish weir at Fraser's Lake I tell the story of how the Natives killed fish with flintlock guns!
And under Angus McDonald's portrait I tell how, when McDonald visited Anderson in Saanich, he frightened all the Natives by playing his bagpipes!

So far I think I have done well in this chore, and I am glad I started it early, before I received the "created" book in PDF format.
It will still be a big job to transfer all the information from manuscript index to that in the book, as every page number will be different.
I suspect it will still take a few weeks' time.

Since the book has been sent to "design" in Vancouver, I have learned a few interesting things.
I found a description of the first Fort Nisqually I didn't have before; and I received a copy of an original portrait of A.C. Anderson from a descendant of Walter Birnie Anderson (his son).
I also got to go into the depths of the archives again accompanied by other family members, to take a photograph of the 1867 map of British Columbia as it is stored, with descendants viewing it.
Whether the photograph will go into the book depends on whether or not there was enough light available, as flashes and extra light are not allowed!

Let me tell you how this map is stored!
Firstly, the map was in pieces when the archives received it (from Lands & Works, probably).
They conserved it and mounted it on an acid-free backing (linen?) and encapsulated it between two sheets of mylar.
Mylar is a type of plastic that does not break down over time, as other plastics do.
The conserved map is hung on a rolling rack to prevent damage by handling, as would happen if it was stored in a box or drawer.
It is stored in a dark room in the highest part of the archives: for two reasons; to prevent damage by light, and water damage from a possible tsumani (the archives is almost underground, so its not very much above sea-level, unfortunately).
It is covered with a sheet of heavy black plastic which prevents fading when the lights are turned on.
"This is very critical," curator Derek Swallow tells me, "since many of the First Nations territorial boundaries and some of the written inscriptions were done in coloured, light-sensitive, fugitive ink.
"In other words, light will fade the colours."

The fluorescent lights in the room are low UV yield to prevent fading when the map is shown, and the tubes are covered in secondary UV filters -- UV being the primary source of colour fading.
"The map," Derek writes, "is of huge significance to the province and people of BC so we have put a great deal of resources into preserving it and storing it in conditions that will guarantee its longevity."

Do I sound as if all this low-UV lighting was arranged to protect A.C. Anderson's map?
Probably not, as the room is filled with art objects and paintings, including the painting of Tsilaxitsa I have spoken of before (see posting: Monday Dec. 27, 2010: Chief Nkwala and his extended family.)
When you stand with your back to Anderson's map you look almost directly at Tsilaxitsa's portrait.
It's a nice image: the two men led almost parallel lives, and after their deaths they are 'looking at each other.'
What a romantic notion!

Enough said! I am back to work on my index!
Thank you, everyone, for following my blog; I appreciate your interest in my story and I enjoy hearing yours.

"Marineau" at Fort Alexandria

2011-07-24T08:59:00.000-07:00

I am going to take a break, and return to Fort Alexandria.
By accident I discovered the name of my favorite man there, and I will write his story, as far as I can.
I was hard to tell in the various writings in the fur trade journals whether this man was named Martineau, or Marineau -- I decided it was Marineau and that was the name I used in my manuscript.
It appears that Bruce Watson, in his Lives Lived West of the Divide, was almost as confused about the name as I was.
Almost.
He wavered between the names 'Martineau' and 'Marineau,' but gave him another proper name -- Desasten.
No wonder I couldn't find Marineau in his book!

So, from Bruce McIntyre Watson's book, Lives Lived West of the Divide, volume 1, page 327, here is Marineau's description:

Desasten (Martineau), Louis [variation: Desastin] (c.1800-?) (Canadian-French)
Birth: Probably Riviere du Loup, Lower Canada, c. 1800
Death: Possibly west of the Rockies.
Fur Trade employee
HBC Middleman, New Caledonia (1826-1829),
Middleman or Labourer, Thompson River, (1829-1840),
Middleman and trader, Thompson River, (1840-1841),
Middleman, New Caledonia, (1841-1842),
Middleman, Fort Alexandria, (1842),
Middleman, New Caledonia, (1842-1843),
Horsekeeper, New Caledonia, (1843-1850),
Horsekeeper, Fort Alexandria, (1850-52),
Horsekeeper, Thompson River, (1852-1853), and
Middleman, Thompson River, (1853-1858).

Louis Desasten (Marineau) joined the HBC in 1825 from Riviere du Loup. He worked mainly in the New Caledonia and Thompson River area until about 1858.

From the Fort Alexandria journals of Alexander Caulfield Anderson, this is what I know about the man:
"Monday 21st (November 1842) -- Fair and mild. Despatched Mr. Donald McLean for Chilcotins on Saturday last, with Linneard [Leonard] & Marineau & sundry goods & provs. as per Blotter...
"Mon. 28th (Nov.) -- Yest. Marineau & John arrived from Chilcotin trip -- Mr. McL. informs me all is well there.

Thurs. 15th (Dec.) -- Fine. Michel Ogden and Marineau ret'd from Barge [the Native village south of Fort Alexandria]. They have brought a mere nothing -- say some half score Beaver & a few small furs. The Indians have not hunted at all in that direction since last summer. A great many, from all directions, were assembled at the Barge, & they one & all make great promises for the future.
Saturday 17th -- Thomas, who came here with Marineau for his rations -- sought his horses, but did not succeed in finding them.

Marineau had a Native wife: "Tuesday 27th -- Dispatched Edouard Lolo and Marineau's brother in law to Kamloops with the letters rec'd yesterday [from Fort St. James]. Sent likewise 30 iron harrow teeth, requested by Mr. Tod."

1843 -- "Fri. 6th Jan. -- Snowing in the morning. Then a violent south wind arose & the snow drifted much. Sent Marineau & Michel Ogden off before day to the Island to see after the Torche who remained there last night. I was fearful that he would attempt to cross in quest of the mare & share her fate; but they found him all safe and crossed him without difficulty a little higher up, where the ice is quite solid. I reproach myself with not having sent Marineau yesterday, by which measure the loss of the mare would have been avoided. [Torche is a horse].
Marineau is spending his time at the Horse Guard, obviously. "Sat. 13th -- Misty and rather colder. Marineau returned from below accompanied by Thomas, who come for his rations.
But I wonder is the man I thought was Mariscotte, is Marineau? These names are handwritten, and not necessarily clearly written! "These horses, it is necessary to state, were lost prior to my arrival, Mariscatte having been alone down at the guard & apparently having neglected them. Since Thomas has been there I have every reason to be satisfied with their care of the horses...."

Feb., Wed. 15th -- "Having sent Linneard to visit the cattle at Stonia on Monday last, he brought the intelligence that one of the cows had got tangled in the flooring of the barn there, and had lost her life in consequence. Yesterday I sent off Marineau & Tout-Laid to get the skin, which they brought.

Marineau often led the outgoing express in the early spring to Fort Colvile -- I think he travelled more than Peter Skene Ogden did!
April 25th, 1843 -- "About noon the long looked for party from Colvile made their appearance (Marineau, Vautrin, & an Indian) -- the express had not rached Colvile when they left 7th inst. Marineau informs me that the missing horse from the Land had reached Thompson's River.
If Mariscat is Marineau, he went out with the brigade and returned with Anderson [who did not go all the way to Fort Vancouver] in May -- "23rd, Mariscat & Montigny arrived with Mr. Anderson's baggage." So, Mariscat and Marineau might be two different men, or they may be the same. Whatever the answer may be, there is no sign of Marineau around the fort until ....
Aug. 1843, "29th ... Marineau visited the horses & crossed more to fort. At present stationed here. A.C.A., Gendron, Therouiac, Marineau, Michel Ogden, I Linneard, Edouard Montigny (Tout Laid, Jack & Baptiste [?] Indians). And at the Chilcotins, Mr. McLean & Bapt. Lapierre.
Friday 1st Sept., "He [Linneard] & Marineau, with M. Ogden & an Indian, afterwards carting barley of which 10 cart loads were brought home."
Tues. 5th -- "Unfortunately one of the wheels of Linneard's cart got broken, through the upsetting of the cart. This about noon, the vehicle was laid by & Marineau continued alone.
Fri. 8th -- "Marineau took in the remainder of the large field wheat. This, with one half of the patch near the barn (which by the way contained 3 loads only) fills the barn-- say 72 loads in all. Afterwards all hands at the other wheat fields. The oats are sheaved and stoked.

Sept. 27th -- "Moody weather. Liard thrashing our barley. The rest at cavereau except Marineau, who arranged his saddles and the apres in the store.
Thurs. 28th -- "Fine. Sent Marineau down to Terre Blanche [White Earth] to see that the horses are all well, and in readiness for express party, now shortly to set out.

About six months of journals missing.

[no date] "Want of ink has interrupted my journal for a time but now by the arrival of Marineau from Colvile, I have received a supply. He & Gendron arrived here yesterday (18th) but there was no intelligence of import, further than the safe arrival of Mr. Ogden at Colvile on the 16th ulto.
Saty. 20th -- "Marineau at apres, Gendron sifting flour.
[Apres is saddles and saddleblankets, harnesses, etc.]

Marineau is nowhere around the fort until September 1844: "...find myself with Marineau, Gendron, Therioac and Michel Ogden ... to conduct the duties of the place.
"Friday 6th -- "Rainy. Water high & [driving]. Theriouc & Marineau working at tumbrill... 7th -- Marineau & assistants collecting horses, some of which have strayed off.
Friday 26th -- "Men continued making road on hill. Montigny & Marineau collecting horses, to take them to Terra Blanche where they should have gone before, but for the detention of Montigny.

In October 1844, Monday 7th, "Marineau off to meet the Express party at Colvile. He is accompanied by Tout Laid taking on a relay of horses to leave at Kamloops for return, say 40 in all.
And in November 1844 he returns: "the Yk Express arrived on Sat'y in charge of Mr. Thos. Charles, a young man recently from England. Three servants (new hands) with Marineau & Toutlaid.
And this is hard to read: Nov., Mon. 18th, "Today .. great surprise, Vautrin cast up from thleuz-cuz having a letter from Mr. Todd dated 17th inst. notifying that the [fall] fishery .. that he had killed a horse (Rapide) some time previously for food, and now trusts entirely upon what I am [sending] by Marineau." It appears that Marineau is delivering the food supplies west to the little Thleuz-cuz post.

Thurs. 5th December -- "Poor Marineau, having met with severe lacerations of the eye, lies [in a bad way] & suffers much. I am doing what I can to relieve him.
[He bleeds him].
Saty. 7th -- "Marineau is much relieved. His eye is now, I trust, out of present danger.
Tues. 10th -- "Michel Ogden & Laframboise set out in quest of the two horses left behind by Marineau.
Mon. 30th & Tues. 31st -- "Marineau & the Indn lads cutting wood.

1845, January 3rd -- "Carting hay, thrashing &c &c. Marineau visited the horses at Prele Island & found them well & fattening.
Fri. 17th -- "Marineau carting snow out of the fort, with Tout Laid &c.
Fri. 24th -- "Men disposed as follows: Gendron, Kitchen; Marineau, cutting wood in lieu of Rene who is sick; Linneard & Cadotte thrashing wheat...

Sat. 8th May -- "This morning Mr. Lane set out for Colvile on his way to Canada. Two retiring servants accompany him, Lefevre & Thirouiac -- Marineau & Gendron also, to return to Alexandria.
Mon. 10th -- "Fine weather. On Saturday night, notwithstanding every precaution that I had taken, the rascally dogs from above broke into the yard, and having forced their way into the poultry house, destroyed nearly all the turkeys & one half of the hens, before they were discovered. Fortunately I overheard the noise & saved the remainder. 4 hen turkeys only remain. 33 or 34 head of all sorts have been destroyed. I have sent a note after Mr. Lane to endeavour to send me a couple of turkey cocks by Marineau.

Marineau's return was invisible in the journals, but he must have returned. In October 1845, Saty 4th -- "I am anxiously expecting the boat from above, having everything in readiness for Marineau's departure, but delaying solely on this account. I have determined on waiting till Monday, when if the party be not arrived, Marineau must set out with Tout Laid who is the only disposable individual I have to accompany him.
Mon. 6th -- "Fine weather. Marineau set out for Colvile with the horses for the express party. Tout Laid goes with him. They take hence 40 horses, 20 having been sent on to Kamloops some time ago, to recruit in readinesss -- say 60 in all -- 30 of which go on & 30 remain at T.R. as a relay.
Friday 10th -- "Yesterday evening the long expected boat arrived, having been delayed at Stuarts Lake during 13 days for some reason -- Marineau is now off 4 days and will probably arrive at Kamloops today, so it is bootless to think of overtaking him, even had I horses &c in readiness, which I have not.

Again, Marineau's return is invisible, and in November 1845 he is sent "to bring these animals back; and it is understood that should circumstances render it imprudent to take them the whole distance, they will be sent back and the party proceed on foot.
Fri. 19th -- "Marineau arrived from Ft. George. Eight of his horses have remained along the road. Five of these were left at W.Road River being tired; but as they are in excellent pasturage with long grass & prele, there is little to apprehend as to them passing the winter. Two others are close at hand, & will be sent for in a day or two. The remaining one is doubtless dead, having been left weak and sick upon the road. By referring to the entry of 24th ulto. it will be seen upon what terms I supplied these horses for the accommodation of Mr. [Paul] Frasers' party, and I am now compelled to remark that the promise then made by Mr. F. has been [infringed]. Marineau on several occasions (as he tells me) represented that owing to the snow being deeper than was expected in the portage, it would be advisable not to take the horses further, but to no purpose. ..the responsibility remains with Mr. Fraser.

December, Fri. 26th -- "Marineau for some days past has been visiting his horses in different directions. Some of the poorest I have caused to be brought to the yard to winter. In general where sickness has not reduced them, the horses are in good condition.
1st January 1846 -- "...which Michel Takatane will take on with the accounts tomorrow morning to Fort George. Gendron & Marineau will remain in charge here during my temporary absence. I shall endeavour to get back in 20 days.

March 1846 -- Thurs. 19th. "Same weather. Express party off about 8am. to encamp at the guard when they will get fresh horses. Marineau, Wentrel, Desautels, Lanctot, & Charbonneau compose the party -- the first and last to return from Colvile.
In September Marineau is cutting some of the crops. On October 26th Marineau and party "returned from trip to Barrier & Barge, having traded nearly 9M salmon, with some salmon oil & a few furs as per Blotter."
Oct. 9th -- "Rainy. Yesterday evening the long expected boat from S. Lake arrived, and this morning Marineau & Ignace, with Mr. Willm. Todd on his way to Vancr., set out to meet the East side Express. Four men, Crete, Fallardeau, Vautrin & Roi are come down to winter here.
Friday, Nov. 17th -- "So he will wait until the arrival of the Express party which cannot now be long delayed.
Tues. 8th -- "Montigny is arrived from the guard for provisions. His time has been out two weeks or more, but he delayed from day to day in hopes of Marineau's arrival.
Saty. 19th -- "We continue anxiously to look out for Marineau, who does not yet make his appearance.
Wed. 23rd -- "This afternoon Edouard Montigny cast up with the east side packet, having left Marineau at the Lake this morning. The detention of the party arose from the late arrival of the East side people.
Thurs. 24th -- "Marineau arrived today.

January 1847, Tues. 5th -- "Marineau, Linneard & Fallardeau carting -- the first fuel, the two latter with trains transporting hay from Stonia.
Saty. 23rd -- "Marineau's wife has been laid up for some time & is in much danger. A sharp inflammation of the lungs has supervened upon other disorders.
Wed. 27th -- "Marineau doing no duty save taking care of his wife, who, I fear, may not recover. I am treating her with a continued course of Tartar Emetic; which seems to have a favorable effect & now that its effect as a vomit is subsided, causes a profuse expectoration of viscid phlegm.

I don't know if Marineau's wife recovered, but Marineau soon returned to work.
Thurs. March 18th -- "Express party set out this morning -- say Marineau (to return), Beardy, Perier, Lacourse, Charbonneau & Desautels; retiring servants.
April 23rd -- "The letters now read [are] dated early in January -- Marineau who I fear will not reach this place for some days, will bring us later intelligence -- which in the pending critical state of affairs along the Col[umbi]a is very desirable.

A few days later, Anderson left Fort Alexandria on his first expedition across country to Fort Langley from Kamloops, and returned in September.
Monday 27th -- "Marineau continues arranging his saddles &c for the trip to Colvile.
Wed. 29th -- "Same weather. Marineau called me to day to witness the state of the cords left here by the brigade, as large numbers of which are cut and hacked in a shameful manner. I have told the man to get these cords, or at least such of them as he can discover in looking over the heap, laid aside and tied in bunches with Lapierre as his witness -- as it has been too frequently the practice of [others] to ascribe this [...] to cutting of cords, and the dilapidated condition of the horse accoutrements through neglect along the road, to carelessness on the part of Marineau and others at Alex.r who occasionally have to deal with them. [Hard to read].

Monday 4th October -- "The party crossed over yesterday morning; but they did not get their horses in till late so camped and made an early start today. As directed by the Board of Management, Marineau is [provided] with the men &c necessary for transporting [unknown] from Colvile to Kamloops. Marineau, Crete, Gendron, Michel & two Owyhee set out; but Marineau has sent one of the Owyhees back, the plea that he can make no use of him and preferred being quit of him altogether. [Having been] disappointed of the arrival of Fallardeau, as promised [by ...] as horse keep during Marineau's absence, I am under the necessity of entrusting the band to two Indians (Tout Laid & Padou), the last engaged for the purpose till Marineau returns. This is the only alternative I can adopt, as I have no one here capable of the duty.
Monday 18th -- "Returned yesterday from the Guard. The horses I found well; with the exception of 3 which had been lost by Marineau on his way out, had fallen into the hands of Inds. Two of these I recovered at the other end of the lake -- the third (which had since its loss been stabbed by an Indn.) yesterday at the Rapids. It appears that the three horses were lost at the Rocher by Marineau, who commissioned an Indn. to look for them (the same that brought me the two above mentioned -- William's brother). He found them; while under his care an Indn of the Barge, Toolh-paesk, by name, stole one; and made off with it on the road towards Kamloops. Meanwhile Missoolah (alia, "the murderer") who had accompanied Marineau as far as Lac a la Hache, where the Inds. were assembled in numbers, met the thief on his return. He demanded the horse, but the demand was ignored, and as the thief was supported (as it was said) by numerous party, Missoolah had much difficulty and by his own account ran considerable risk in obtaining it.

A Mr. Martineau has come down from Fort St. James -- not the same man that worked all these years at Fort Alexandria, as Marineau is still away from the fort.
So, I wonder -- is Bruce Watson confusing the two men? Is Marineau the man he has named "Louis Destasten" in his article, or is it this Martineau man from Fort St. James?
Marineau returns to Fort Alexandria, from Fort Colvile, on the 26th of December, delayed because in spite of the horses the Fort Alexandria men sent to Kamloops, there were not enough to carry them home!
In January Marineau works with the cattle; and everyone gets a dose of the measles. Marineau, however, is sent off to Kamloops in mid-February, and returns in mid-April with flour and provisions for the brigade, and seed for the farm.
Some of the horses are scattered, and others damaged or killed by the Natives.
On Mon. April 24th, "Marineau &c gathering horses on this side preparatory to crossing them."
Of course Anderson left Fort Alexandria with the outgoing brigade, and when he returned from his second expedition to Fort Langley, he gathered his family, who had spent the summer at Kamloops, and led them east to his new posting at Fort Colvile.

I think you can see how steady a man Marineau is, and how his character shows through in Anderson's records.
Marineau remains my favorite fur trade employee, even though I do not really know if his name really is Desasten.
But if Louis Desasten is a different man than Marineau, then I haven't really solved the mystery of Marineau's identity.
I probably won't know if Martineau and Marineau are two different men until I read the Fort St. James post journals for the early 1840's -- if they exist!

Beaulieus west of the mountains

2011-07-17T08:22:00.000-07:00

I have talked about our Beaulieu ancestor as if I knew he came to the west of the mountains with the fur trade of the North West Company -- and yes, some descendants of Charlot Beaulieu Birnie said he did.
But there are other ways that he could have arrived here, with other explorers that came west through the Mississippi -- the Lewis and Clark expedition, for example.
Meriwether Lewis and William Clark led an expedition called the Corps of Discovery on a voyage of exploration from St. Louis, up the Missouri River and over the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific coast.
They left St. Louis in May,1804, and a full eighteen months later they spotted the Pacific Ocean -- "Ocean in View! O! the Joy!" Clark wrote in his journal.
The explorers left Fort Clatsop on March 23, 1806, and arrived back in St. Louis on September 23 of the same year.
They had been away from St. Louis for two and half years.

French Canadian voyageurs travelled west with them, and some of them may have remained behind when Lewis and Clark returned to the east.
I knew of this cross-country journey, and I carefully checked out the names of the men who travelled with them, in search of Beaulieu.
I did not find him.

At the same time I knew that other men had come west, and that these other men may have used the services of these efficient French Canadian voyageurs.
However, researching this history takes time and energy, and because I live in Canada, its not as easy to research as it would be if I lived in the United States.
Libraries tend to carry books of interest primarily to Canadians, and the University Library is a little more difficult to access than it has been in the past.
But with the publication of Eric Jay Dolin's book, Fur, Fortune and Empire: the epic history of the Fur Trade in America, that research has become a little easier.
Dolin tells us of the other explorers who travelled west into the fur trade, and now we have a list of men to follow into the Kootenais district.

The Lewis and Clark expedition left St. Louis in 1804 and returned in 1806.
"Although the expedition can't be credited with sparking the western fur trade," Dolin says, "it did propel it forward.
"The detailed information about the physical and natural geography of the lands explored by the expedition, especially those surrounding the upper Missouri and beyond, excited and inspired St. Louis furtraders, one in particular being Manuel Lisa."

Manuel Lisa, a Spaniard born in New Orleans in 1772, had come north to St. Louis in the late 1790's.
Very quickly he established himself as one of St. Louis' leading fur traders, competing heavily with the Chouteau family of fur traders.
Lisa was an aggressive and abrasive man who believed the end justified the means, according to Dolin.
The men who knew him, and those who worked for him, loathed him.
Fur trade historian Hiram Chittenden said of Lisa, "In boldness of enterprise, persistency of purpose, and in restless energy, he was a fair representative of the Spaniard of the days of Cortez."
But, he added, if Lisa was unscrupulous, "the only difference between him and his detractors is that he was too sharp for them and succeeded where they failed."

In the spring of 1807, Manuel Lisa left St. Louis with fifty or sixty men, including a few members of the Corps of Discovery.
They used keelboats -- barges about fifty to seventy five feet long and eight to eighteen feet wide -- which they cordelled, warped, or poled upriver.
Sometimes they rowed the boats in deep water, and sometimes if the wind blew from the east they sailed.
He both traded directly with the Indians and sent men into the wilderness to trap for themselves.
Each man had a rifle, a horse or mule, and six or eight steel traps.
In addition to their wages, the men earned a portion of the profits from the furs they trapped for themselves -- an added incentive to work hard.
Manuel Lisa built a fort at the confluence of the Yellowstone and Bighorn Rivers, first called Fort Manuel or Fort Lisa.
This was the first building built in Montana, predating David Thompson's Saleesh House post!
Manuel Lisa and his men remained in the area until 1808, when he returned to St. Louis with his furs.

Immediately another group of businessmen set out for the upper Missouri.
This group included some members of Lewis and Clark's Corps of Discovery (as had Manuel Lisa's).
It was back by the Chouteau family, and other stockholders included Meriwether Lewis' brother, Reuben; Alexander Henry and Pierre Menard; and William Clark himself.
Apparently Alexander Henry and Pierre Menard led the group, beginning their journey west in spring 1809.
They built a trading post at a place called the Three Forks, which in April 1810 came under attack by a roving band of Blackfeet.
Again it appears that they did not depend on the Natives for their fur trade, but also sent men out to trap for furs.
Some of the men were attacked and brutally murdered, and Henry and Menard were eventually forced to close their Three Forks post.
Menard returned to St. Louis with their furs, while Alexander Henry headed south over the continental divide to set up a post on the north fork of the Snake River.
He was the fur American fur trader to operate west of the Rocky Mountains.
If my map of Oregon and Upper California from the surveys of John Charles Fremont (13696C, BCA) is correct, then his post was probably built on what is labelled Henry's Fork on the upper Snake River, just west of the Three Tetons.
On the east side of the Wind River Mountains are the many rivers that feed into the Missouri and the upper reaches of the Yellowstone River.

So, as you can see, there are two other major fur traders who might have employed a French Canadian named Beaulieu -- who might have come from the Red River district after 1805 (when his first daughter was supposedly born), and was in the Montana/Idaho area by 1809-10.
I haven't yet done a search for journals or for lists of French Canadian employees, but it is possible that I might find a Beaulieu man here.
This would confuse the issue somewhat -- Birnie descendants might be incorrect when they say Beaulieu worked for the North West Company.
Their statements are secondary sources -- written after the fact by people who were not involved in the actions of the person they are writing of.
Birnie probably met Beaulieu, but he never wrote anything down -- these notes come from Birnie's son-in-law, A.C. Anderson, who never knew Beaulieu, and Anderson's son James, who got the story from Birnie, or from Charlot.

Another fur trader also penetrated the west at this time, but I am not sure our Beaulieu would have come with him.
At the same time Manuel Lisa was pushing his way up the Missouri in spring 1807, John Jacob Astor was making plans to build a series of fur trade forts along the Missouri -- and up and over the mountains and down the Columbia River all the way to the Pacific!
In 1808 he incorporated his American Fur Company and its subsidiary company, the Pacific Fur Company.
It wasn't until 1810 that Astor's ship sailed from New York, arriving at the mouth of the Columbia in February, 1811.
His land expedition never reached Astoria until 1812.
I believe these late dates mean that I do not have to look in the records of the American Fur Company for our voyageur, Beaulieu.

So, if you are in the position of looking for your French-Canadian ancestor, and you cannot trace how he got to the west, these early explorering expeditions will give you another place to look.
Unless you have clear records that show how your ancestors came into the west, you have to look at these American explorations, even if it is only to cross them off your list.

Descendants of David Thompson's men Facebook page

2011-07-16T08:46:00.000-07:00

For those of you who are interested in history and who may be descended from one of David Thompson's men, I have set up a Descendants of David Thompson's men Facebook page.
To join, click the Friend request, and I will let you in.
I do not have strict requirements -- in fact I am going to post the story of the Okanagan Natives who traded at Saleesh House when David Thompson's men were there.
To me at least, that means that the descendants of Chief Nkwala and other Natives who traded at David Thompson's post will also be welcome to join the group, if they wish.

If you are members of British Columbia Historical Federation and have just received their newsletter, British Columbia History [Summer 2011], you will see that John Whittaker has written and submitted an article on Athabasca Pass, the BC-Alberta Heritage Trail.
"The Athabasca Pass was one of the longest used and historically important passes within British Columbia," he writes.
"The Athabasca River, through its tributary the Whirlpool River, connects Alberta to British Columbia via Pacific Creek, Jeffrey Creek, and Wood River and eventually into the Columbia River.
"It is about seventy-two km. as the crow flies from the Athabasca River ford (Grande Traverse) to the now submerged historical site of Boat Encampment at the junction of the Canoe, Wood and Columbia Rivers.
"The Pass was used continuously by the North West Company and then the Hudson's Bay Company from 1811 to 1853."
There is lots more information about the various resting places in this article, and so if you are interested in the Athabasca Pass area and David Thompson's history, you should pick up a copy of British Columbia History; Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation, Summer 2011, Vol. 44, No. 2 (cost about $7.00).

Good morning, again

2011-07-10T08:25:00.001-07:00

I have returned, after a few weeks when I was so busy I hardly knew which way to turn.
The publisher's editor and I have now chosen all the photographs and maps, and placed them in the book.
Next came the captions.
For a few weeks I had lists of captions to write, one for each photograph or map in the book.
When I thought I had finished, the publisher's editor then email me with her edits, asking me to check that each caption said what we intended it to say.
For the next few days I got up every morning to a long list of things I had to do, and worked on it before I went to work.
When I came home at night I had another list of things to do.

When this was finished the next chore was ordering scans of all the important archival photos we have chosen to put in the book.
These photos are important because they show the landscape before modern day highways altered it beyond recognition.
In the meantime, the book is being "created" in Vancouver.
Spiral bound copies of the book, with low-resolution copies of the illustrations, are being sent out to other historians or writers for cover quotes.

On top of all this work that we (the publisher's editor and I) rushed through, I had a visit from an Anderson-Seton descendant I had often talked to, but never met.
He found time to come to Victoria for a few days, and we visited the 1867 map in the British Columbia archives, and tried to find the Anderson graves in Ross Bay cemetery.
James Robert Anderson is buried there with his wife, Maisie.
So, too, is Alexander, son of Alexander Caulfield Anderson.
Although we knew the Block Number of the grave-site, we couldn't find it!
In spite of the fact I have easily found the grave-site before, we needed the map on this occasion.

After that we followed the trail to his ancestor's house in Victoria, and pictures that he had in his collection of photos confirmed that this house was his g.grandfather's house.
Walter Birnie Anderson, a carpenter amongst other things, apparently built this house and lived in it for many years.
Picture James Robert Anderson and Walter Birnie Anderson -- both sons of Alexander Caulfield Anderson -- sitting in front of the fireplace in this old house in the early 1900's, and sharing stories of past memories.
These two men planned to write a book of "Indian stories," according to papers in James' manuscript collection.
They never did, and the book never materialized though James collected many Indian stories.

The next morning we were joined by another descendant of Alexander Caulfield Anderson, at Alexander Caulfield Anderson's grave-site at South Saanich cemetery.
We were joined by another fur trade descendant who is related to the Anderson family three ways -- two of her ancestors married Birnie girls, and she is also descended from Anderson's brother's father-in-law, Roderick McKenzie, who is not the cousin of Alexander Mackenzie.
We met at the gates of the cemetery, and together we viewed the large, beautiful, stone cross that stands on Alexander Caulfield Anderson's grave.
We also found Walter Birnie Anderson's grave, and heard stories about his daughter, Mary Seton, who died of cancer and is buried there.
My aunt is buried beside Mary Seton Anderson.
Born a few years before she was, Claire was brought home to die, my mother said, but Claire was three years old before she actually did.
We discovered that the South Saanich cemetery, which is threatened with closure, is celebrating its 150th anniversary in June, 2012.
They are searching for descendants of those buried there, to join in the celebrations.
So those of you who read this blog and are descendants of people connected with the South Saanich cemetery at St. Stephens' churchyard, take heed and contact the office to join the celebrations.

After lunch we all went to my sister's house to celebrate the occasion, and drank a little wine that had Alexander Caulfield Anderson's name on the label.
The wine is produced by the Okanagan wintery, Ganton & Larsen Prospect Winery, and is called Council's Punch Bowl Sauvignon Blanc.
The label reads "This lake was discovered by Alexander Caulfield Anderson of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1846 while searching for a route to the interior from the coast."
We looked at the Anderson Family Bible which I own, and took pictures.
Then Scott took out his Walter Birnie Anderson collection, and showed me an image of Alexander Caulfield Anderson I have never before seen.
He showed me the box that his g.grandfather Walter Birnie Anderson had constructed, and I looked at it and found it very familiar.
My sister has owned an almost identical box for many years, and I showed it to him.
When my sister came home she told us she got it from our deceased Anderson aunt, and she gave it to the descendant of the man who had almost certainly carved it.

It was an interesting and inspiring few days, and now I have to get back to work.
Until I am forced to take time off to create the index, I have time to spare.
I have made promises I have to keep, and will now begin to fulfill them.

Promises I have made...

2011-06-19T12:19:00.001-07:00

I can see, glancing over the last few posts on this blog, that I have made a few promises I have not yet fulfilled:
I have said I will tell you how to look for members of your French-Canadian families who might have come west by other means than the traditional fur trade of the North West Company;
I will speak of researching your HBC ancestors, from biographical sheets downloaded from the Hudson's Bay Archives site, through Lists of employees found in various places, and by reading the post journals of the places where your ancestor might have worked.
As you already know, when I talked about the men who worked at Fort Alexandria under Alexander Caulfield Anderson, I got a lot of interest from descendants of various people I mentioned.

I have also said I am prepared to write about some of the genetic diseases which might tie families together.
That will be an interesting project, but will include a lot of speculation -- at least in my family tree.
I have quite an interesting group of illnesses to speak of, and some fairly dysfunctional people in my tree.
It'll be fun.
I'll try to fulfill these promises over the next few weeks.

I have lots of news for you....

2011-06-19T10:42:00.000-07:00

I didn't post last week, as you will have noticed -- I have been so busy.
Firstly, I had a meeting with the managing editor, the editor who is actually putting the book together, and the illustrator -- and so have had lots of work to do for these three people.
That work is done, except that I have to write a paragraph or two to get Charlot Birnie's photograph into the manuscript.
I also must finish the captions for the photographs that I know are going into the manuscript.
I think there are about sixty illustrations -- that's a lot!
Some of them are archival photographs; some are photos of items that are in the Royal British Columbia Museum collections -- other illustrations come from personal collections in Washington state and in England and have never been made public before!
It's very exciting!

Some images I have collected cannot be used because their lines are so fine and delicate they won't show.
But we have found good substitutes for those difficult images.
It's amazing how much negotiating, discussion, and researching goes into illustrating a book!
When you choose illustrations you have to keep in mind many things -- the quality of the paper, the size of the page, and how much the illustration has to be reduced!
I think I could write a book on publishing a book, from the perspective of a first-time author -- but I don't think I have time.

At this meeting I learned the publisher has decided that though many of the illustrations will be black and white (they are, after all, black and white photographs), some of them will be in colour.
So it will not be entirely a black and white book, and that might change its price -- be warned.
Anderson's rarely seen drawing of the Kamloops post will be in colour, as will be his paintings of the lower Fraser River -- yes, Anderson was a watercolorist, too.
There will be images to amaze and delight, and I am happy to be the person who brings them to you.

I have been asked when the e-book will be available, and now have the answer.
It is planned that it is published about a month after the publication of the book, or as soon as everything is loaded on and working properly.
E-books can load in a jumble, and the publishers' supplier has been having some problems that hopefully will be fixed by the time it's my books turn.

Oh, and on the subject of computer problems -- I wrote the book in Windows XP which had whatever version of Word was running ten years ago.
That computer crashed almost immediately after I got the manuscript sent to publisher, and any corrections or editing, on my part at least, have been done in Word Seven.
My editor's Word doesn't like my Word, so there have been problems with getting the end-notes to behave -- as you know, Word likes to CONTROL.
And then we need to insert some things after the manuscript, but before the end-notes, and Word is again objecting....
That's not my problem, but I think my editor has been tearing her hair just a little bit.

The illustrator uses a MAC that doesn't communicate with my computer, but I know my way around that -- my long-distance cousin Virginia has the same problem.
The illustrator has to draw the maps that show the four explorations and the two brigade trails, and she hasn't even read the book.
She'll draw a map that covers the territory and send it to me.
I will print it out six times, and on each separate map draw one exploration, or one brigade trail.
Then she gets to put them all together on one map!
It's not as easy as it sounds.

I think she also gets to put the book together, and she will place, at the front of each chapter, decorative pieces of Anderson's maps....
I am overjoyed, to say the least, and cannot wait to see the finished book.

Other exciting events are interfering with whatever spare time I have.
I signed up with Hope Mountain to hike up the part of the brigade trail they are travelling this year.
It's a steep section of the trail behind Hope, and they warn to be prepared for severe mountain conditions and to wear good hiking boots and use poles and if you have bad knees, consider how you are going to get down the steep trail.
My knees are fine, my feet a little iffy but I have good boots, so I think I'm okay.

"Holy Crumbs!" the man in charge wrote me, and offered me a chance to lead a group that was hiking the Snass Creek trail that Anderson followed to the top of the Coquihalla in 1846.
I'd love to do it; I want to hike that trail to the top of the plateau and look for Anderson's Tree, which can no longer exist.....
But I hope to reserve the trip for next summer, and will discuss with them how best to do that.
The best time of year would be the first week in June, when we can also visit the grove of California Rhododendrons and see them in bloom.....
But I think that's early in the season for Hope Mountain.

So, as you see, lots of exciting things are happening.
Book launches are being planned -- the Heritage House book fall book launch (for all their authors) is held at British Columbia Museum and is quite a social event.
Everyone dresses up! I attended in jeans last year and felt quite out of place.
So if you want to attend that one, dress up.
We have a separate book launch planned by the publisher's Marketing Dept and I will find out when it is prepared.
We are finalizing book reviewers, and choosing people who will read the book and submit cover quotes.
I am approaching book stores that know me (there are a few in Victoria) and will encourage them to carry the book when its published.
And I still have to manufacture the index for the book -- that, too, will take time I don't really have.
As you can see, there is plenty happening, and some of these events will prevent me from making my regular entries in this blog.
Please be patient with me when I seem to "disappear" for short times over the coming summer.

More researching your fur trade ancestors

2011-06-05T13:24:00.000-07:00

This post will be a little dry, but some of you can use this to find information that might be stored in an archives or library on the other side of the country.
In Canada, archives are hooked together through Library and Archives Canada, and by searching in their search engine you can find papers in any archives or library in Canada.
The library and archives website is http://collectionscanada.gc.ca (and take note that there is a large genealogical section of that archives you may want to access).
The search engine that accesses all the Canadian archives and libraries is called Amicus, or the Canadian National Catalogue.
Its free, and they say "easy to use." (I always have trouble with these big databases, however).
There are 30 million records from 1,300 Canadian libraries including LAC (Library and Archives Canada).
You will have to sign up -- I used Amicus a few years ago and have both a username and a Password.

The same, too, exists in the United States.
You can search most, if not all, archives through the Library of Congress, by using the National Union Catalogue of Manuscript Collections.
It's amazing what you can find in there -- for example I located Anderson's "Historical Notes on the commerce of the Columbia River, 1824 to 1848."
By the time I located it, I already had a copy of the manuscript -- I had found it listed in the back of a book about American ships trading on the northwest coast.
But I found other manuscripts of interest in here, and ordered them.
It is unlikely that I would have found these documents if I had just visited various archives -- I would never have thought of looking where I found these documents.
So I am very happy I did my search through the NUCMC/RLG catalogue (which was what it was called in the days I was looking).
I don't think those phrases work anymore -- try National Union Catalogue of Manuscript Collections or go directly to Library of Congress.

I suggest that you search these two massive catalogues by using your ancestors' name, but also try things like "North West Company" or "voyageurs contracts."
You will learn all the other phrases to use -- I used to know a lot of them but now don't remember.

Sometimes you find document by chance, by googling.
I was doing a search for an Aussie connection who had found that one of his family members had joined the fur trade in late 1700's and was at Mackinac.
I found his ancestor, but while I was looking I fell upon another internet list of voyageurs, called "Michigan Voyageurs, From the Notary Book of Samuel Abbott, Mackinac Island, 1807-1817."
This 11 page list of voyageurs at Mackinac Island is found at http://members.shaw.ca/hjarmstrong/abbottlist.htm.
Notary books are a valuable resource, as all Voyageur contracts were signed by a notary.
(So maybe "Notary Books" is a good thing to search for in the above named collections, or try googling "Notary books" and see what turns up.)

There are some Beaulieus on this list of voyageurs, by the way:
This list starts off with the date, the name of the voyageur, who he worked for, and where he wintered.
Here's an example of the first few:
June [1807]
7; Baptiste Dudoiu; Etienne Lamarandiere; P. Callinasea
10; Benjamin Cadotte; Francois Fenier; Mississippi

So, lets look for the Beaulieu brothers here, now that I have this document in hand:
In June 1807, Pierre Bolieu worked for Lacroise & Lemoine, and wintered in Illinois; by that time "our Beaulieu" was making his way across the Rocky Mountains with David Thompson.
July 4, Louis Rondeau worked for Robert Dickson & Co. and wintered at Fond du Lac. This might be Joseph Rondeaus father and a member of our extended family.
Pierre Rondeau worked for the Mackinac Company and expected to winter in the North.
In June 1809 Pierre Rondeau signed on with Cadotte & Co. to winter in Lac Courte Oreille.
Paul Beaulieu signed up with Mackinac Co. and wintered at Lac Courte Oreille. I suspect this was one of the Hudon dit Beaulieus.
In 1810, Bazile Beaulieu signed up with Mackinac Co. and worked at Lac Flambeaux -- this is definitely a Hudon dit Beaulieu.
Paul Beaulieu signed up in 1810 with Mackinac Co. and wintered at le Folie Avoine.
In 1816, Jean B. Belliuh? worked for w.H. Putuff at Michilimackinac. He will be a Beaulieu -- not ours, of course.

At last I found the name of the man I was searching for, for my long distance relative.
In June 1807, Dr. David Mitchell signed up voyageur Michel Francocier for the Mississippi.
Dr. David Mitchell, fur trader, is in our very extended family.
He is a descendent of the Andersons but not the Anderson-Setons, and his uncle was Dr. James Anderson of Madras, who is in our family tree and a close relative of Dr. James Anderson, LLD -- my great grandfather's grandfather.
There are also Ermatingers on this list; Charles Ermatinger who hired voyageurs for the trade on Lake Superior in 1808; in 1810 David Mitchell hires Thomas Gutherie for Michilimackinac; in 1817 Ramsey Crooks is the only person hiring any voyageurs at all.
In case you don't know, if you have read any of Governor George Simpson's correspondence, Ramsay Crooks becomes a very familiar name, and I learned from Eric Jay Dolin's Fur, fortune and Empire: the epic History of the Fur Trade in America, that Ramsay Crook was a very big name in the early fur trade.

You can always find something new to look up, though I am not sure I learned anything from this list. I hope it helps you in your search, and I hope you discover something of interest in the archives search engines. Good luck.

Good morning, everyone

2011-06-05T11:48:00.000-07:00

I am back, and am bearing good news of my excitement about the book: The Pathfinder: A.C. Anderson's Journeys in the West!
Yes, the title has changed -- I knew it would.
I'll tell you why.

It took me a little while to get used to the title, but friends and relatives tell me they like it.
My working title supported my thesis -- the theme of my book.
But working titles are just working titles, and the publisher always knows the market better than the writer (We each have our own area of expertise, I guess.)
"The Pathfinder" speaks of Alexander Caulfield Anderson's accomplishments, which were many; my title spoke of his struggles.
"A.C.Anderson" instead of "Alexander Caulfield Anderson" did concern me -- to historians that is who he is -- Alexander Caulfield Anderson.
But it's a mouthful of a name, and A.C. Anderson may be easier for the reader to remember.
If he was alive today, Alexander Caulfield Anderson would be a little offended -- in his mind he was "Alex. C. Anderson" and that was as shortened as a gentleman like him would allow his name to be.

"In the West" sounded too vague, but if we say "in British Columbia," it limits to book to sales in British Columbia.
This book will sell in Washington state -- at least three or four chapters take place in what was Oregon Territory or the early years of Washington Territory.
Anderson spent a year or so at Fort Nisqually: he was in charge of Fort Colvile for two years or so.
Then he went to Fort Vancouver and worked under John Ballenden during the critical years when the fur trade suffered great losses -- at least in Fort Vancouver.
Anderson retired to Cathlamet, on the north bank of the Columbia River, until 1858 when he was tempted north to Fort Victoria.
So there is lots to say about the Oregon Territory here, and lots to relate about the early history of Washington.
The book will sell in Alberta, too, because one chapter touches on an interesting piece of fur trade history in Alberta.
And it will sell in Australia and New Zealand, to the many descendants of Anderson who live there.

The book will sell for about $20.00 in Canada.
For a while I thought that was cheap -- then I realized that was about the same price as Jack Nisbet's first book Sources of the River: Tracking David Thompson across Western North America.
So, I feel like I am in good company.
Like Nisbet's first book, mine is an introduction to the man and I have more books to write about Anderson.

If you have Jack Nisbet's book on your bookshelves, mine will be about the same size.
Mine will have more illustrations, though -- there are some fantastic archival photos that show the ruggedness of the country before anyone farmed or settled it.
These illustrations will show the original landscape before governments built railways and highways through it.
It's been a lot of fun going through the photo collections held by the B.C Archives (something I did years ago).
I found some great photos, but I don't know whether all will be used.

E-books will cost about $12.00, and from that price you can guess how much it costs the publisher to print and ship each book.
I don't however know if the ebook will come out at the same time as the real book. I don't know where you buy your ebooks, but you will know.
From the price above, I can understand why so many people are reading ebooks.

I have spent the last few weeks in doing a final read of my manuscript, and correcting the few errors the publishers' editor made.
She caught one or two of mine -- I think I said at one point that James Douglas was dead when he was still alive, but retired from his governorship.
She caught that error and corrected it.
And I caught one or two of hers -- but how could she know that the London ship would never sail to Japan????
It's fascinating what a collaborative effort editing a book is!

An aside: I hope you are now wondering how Japan figures into this book!
It most definitely does -- and I am not revealing the secret.
You'll have to buy the book to find the answer.

The next thing I have to do is write the captions for the photos we are actually using in the book.
I have searched the manuscript to see if the editor has removed anything important -- an important statement that I can put back in as a caption for a photo!
Because I have some details that did not make it into the finished book, I have captions that will delight and surprise.

The cover design of the book is wonderful -- I love it!
You can view it on the Heritage House website, and maybe the new Heritage Group catalogue is out too.
I am now working with the Heritage Group marketer, setting up a webpage for myself and planning a book launch in the fall.
I am planning book reviews and asking for cover quotes -- well, actually, the publisher much of that.
I am trying to learn how to promote the book at Fur Trade Colloquiums -- I am looking for people who might announce the publication of this book in their newsletters (far too late for The Okanagan Historical Society who has already planned their 2011 issue -- wait till next year.)
The publisher feels this book will be suitable for an academic audience -- that's a surprise to me but I guess it shouldn't be.
After all, its the academics and historians who know who Alexander Caulfield Anderson is.
They know why he is so important in British Columbia and fur trade history.

I am researching book prizes, too -- the Holberg Prize, for example, is given by the Norwegian parliament and its an enormous prize!
The Commonwealth Writers' Prize is $16,000!
No, I won't win either of those, but I am confident I will win some of the local or British Columbia book prizes.

Well, its exciting times, and scary times, too.
My work load is lighter these next few weeks -- it will get heavier again when I receive the finished book in PDF format and have to figure out how to do the index!
Then learn powerpoint......
Learn how to speak in public without falling to pieces....
It's an exciting and scary world.

I would like to thank you long-time followers of this blog for your support and for the information you have shared with me.
I know from your questions and your shared information that I speak with real people!
Some of you I will meet when I get to your part of the world.
Thank you.

I'll be back soon

2011-05-24T07:35:00.000-07:00

Blogger has had a few problems since May 11, 2011, and I have been unable to publish anything for the last few weeks.
We will see if this will publish; if it doesn't than Blogger still has problems.
A note here -- some people say they have totally lost their blogs; I have just lost access to my blog (although I was able to change my profile).

But I will tell you what I have been doing in the time I have "disappeared."
I have been checking the work done by the publishers' editor and making a few corrections -- not too many at all.
The work does mean I have had an extreme shortage of free time -- hence no blog entries.
But there is a little information to give you:
The publisher has changed the name of the book, which will be:
THE PATHFINDER: A. C. ANDERSON'S JOURNEYS IN THE WEST
The cover has been designed and you can already see it on the Heritage House website, under the new title.

It has been a refreshing break to talk about researching our Beaulieu ancestors, but it is probably time to return to Alexander Caulfield Anderson.
However, I have one more post to enter about researching fur trade ancestors -- this time it will be about following the postings of the employees of the Hudson's Bay Company.
But remember -- even the HBC records are not always accurate.
I'll tell you why.

Now, let's see if this will publish.....

Following genetic conditions through your family tree

2011-05-02T07:24:00.000-07:00

I am the perfect person to speak on this subject, because I can follow so many of my family's inherited genetic famililial conditions for generations.
For the most part, they are not serious illnesses, but some are quite interesting.
But this will take some time to put together, especially as I am also busy reading the publishers' editor's copy of the manuscript, and searching in the BC Archives for photographs to fill holes in the manuscript.
So I will take a few weeks to do this posting, I think, but I think it will be interesting.
Some of you will be able to search for genetic diseases through your family tree, too.

On this subject, there is a relatively new book out that covers the diseases -- infectious or otherwise -- that were introduced into the Native population by the fur traders.
The author of the book is Robert Boyd, and the book is called The Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence: Introduced Infectious Diseases and Population Decline among Northwest Coast Indians, 1774-1874 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1999)
In spite of having a title that appears to limit the spread of disease to the Northwest Coast Natives, the book covers many other infectious diseases amongst the fur trade and Native population in the Columbia River district.
An interesting point for some of you: John Work's expeditions into the interior in 1831-32 carried Fort Vancouver's "intermittent fever" (malaria) into the interior.
Four of his men were sick when they left Fort Vancouver; two more became ill as they passed through the Cascades, and upstream of the Dalles another man fell sick.
These fur traders did not understand that malaria was contagious; they blamed its presence on the "putrid exhalations and penetrating damps which issue from stagnant water left in the neighoring swamps when the river overflows its banks at the height of the season...."
(Source: Boyd's, "The Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence..." Note, p.94)

Among the diseases found in the North American Indian population before white men came were: Food poisoning, intestinal parasites, hepatitis, viral pneumonia, tuberculosis, nonvenereal syphilis, and rheumatoid arthritis.
Diseases introduced by fur traders and others were: Smallpox, Malaria, Measles, Typhus, Bubonic plague, Cholera, Chickenpox, and Polio.
Now that's a scary list.
I am, of course, looking at the measles epidemic of 1847-48, but tuberculosis will interest me -- as many of the Birnie daughters appeared to die of this disease.
I have an alternate theory to offer....

I will also be commenting on the 1830-31 malaria epidemic around Fort Vancouver, as James Birnie, John McLoughlin, and botanist David Douglas were the three men who "doctored" the many infected people at Fort Vancouver at that time.
So, please give me some time to do all the work I have to do right now, and I will work on this posting in whatever spare time I have.
Thanks for your patience.

Sieur de Beaulieu

2011-04-24T14:43:00.000-07:00

Sieur de Beaulieu was a nobleman who entered the fur trade in the early French period, and was one of the voyageurs who accompanied Antoine Lamothe-Cadillac to establish the first permanent settlement at Le Detroit on July 24, 1701.
Plaques and statues in downtown Detroit celebrate the event, and the French-Canadian Heritage Society of Michigan has photographs of those statues on their website.
On their site the Society also lists the names of the French noblemen and informs us that the convoy also included fifty French soldiers and some passengers: "Chacornac, baron de Jaonnes; Pierre Dugue, sieur de Boisbriant; Antoine Lamothe, fils [brother]; Alphonse Tonty, baron de Paludy; a Recollet priest, and Francois Vaillant de Gueslis, S.J."
Images of these statues, and names of the gentlemen/voyageurs, are online at http://fchsm.habitant.org/plaque.html

However, Sieur de Beaulieu's actual name is Louis Chauvin, sieur de Beaulieu, and descendents of this man have told me that in the years I am searching for Beaulieu men, his descendents still used the Chauvin name.

There is a little more information on this site you might be interested in, if you can access it.
When I tried today, the pages were not available.
But the family trees of the persons who were in Detroit have been compiled into a document by Yves Drolet, a member of the societe genealoque canadienne-francais, and is supposedly available online at www.fchsm.habitant.org
It is called "Genealogical Tables of the Quebec Noblesse from the 17th to the 19th Century," and comes in both French and English.

When I searched the U.S. French Catholic Church Records in the Drouin Collection on Ancestry.ca many years ago, I discovered that in 1752 Sieur de Beaulieu had an infant baptized; and that in 1753 the priest "baptized Catherine fille legitime of Sr. Beaulieu and de spouse francoise..."
He appeared to be at Sault Ste Marie, and also seemed to be listed as a 'Commander pour le Roi."
Later I found a translation of above document headed: Makinac, Ste-Anne; Copie "Wisconsin Historical."
It read: "July 15, 1753, I administered holy Baptism to Catherine, legitimate daughter of Sieur Beaulieu and of his wife, Francoise, residing at Sault Ste Marie, born on April 18 last. The godfather was Mr. de Beaujeau, Captain Commanding for the King at this post; and the godmother Mlle Bourassa."

Sooner or later I will have to follow up on this man, to see if his boy children could have entered the fur trade using the name Beaulieu.
You have to follow every lead.

Beaulieu men in the Voyageurs Contract database

2011-04-20T04:50:00.001-07:00

I have done a search through the online database at "Voyageur Contracts Database," La Societe historique de Saint-Boniface, and found a few men named Beaulieu during a simple search -- that is, enter surname and see what pops up.
Let's see what we have:

Boucherville Beaulieu family:

Amable Beaulieu of the Boucherville Beaulieus signed a contract in 1758 to go to Detroit;

Pierre Beaulieu from Boucherville signed up in 1758 to go to Detroit.

A Military man?

Bazyle (fils) Parmier dit Beaulieu from Montreal St-[eloy?] signed up in 1754 to go the Poste des Miamis for Francois marie piquote de Bel Estre Ecuyer lieutenant d'infanterie (was he in the infantry?).

This family is the Palmier Beaulieu -- see Palmier Beaulieu Family Tree at Ancestry.ca -- and even though I do not have a Bazil Palmier dit Beaulieu in this tree, there are later members bearing this name in Illinois. He must be their ancestor.

Other Possibles:

Andre Beaulieu dit Laport from Prairie de Lamagdeleine entered the fur trade in Montreal in 1751 to travel as Voyageur to Michilmackinac;

Estinne [sic] Beaulieu dit St-Denis entered the fur trade in 1743 from Paroisse de Saint Michel, as a Garcon [boy] voyageur going to Michilimackinac;

Etienne Beaulieu entered the fur trade in 1747 from St-Sulpice to go to Poste de Ounepigon [Winnipeg post perhaps?] as a winterer;

Jean-Baptiste Beaulieu from La Cote St-Michel, Montreal, signed on in 1733 to go "into the north" with Marin Hurtubise et Compagnie;

Louis Beaulieu from Montreal signed on in 1790 to go to the dependencies in the South;

Joseph Beaulieu from Vercheres signed on in 1803 for the "Departement de la Riviere au Bombinge" via Michilimakinac, Kamanistiguia au Portage de la Montagne, for the company of McTavish, Frobisher & Co. -- he could be the voyageur who accompanied David Thompson except that there was a Beaulieu in the Red River district in 1801;

Joseph Beaulieu from St. Laurent signed on in 1774 as a Garcon [boy] voyageur for the Mississippi with the company Lambert St. Omer;

Francois Beaulieu from Pot au Beur Sorell (Sorel), signed on with Alexander Mackenzie's Company in 1803 for three years -- and I am going to have to translate the notes at the bottom because I can read enough French to see that it talks of "home of his father Francois, voisin le Gros Bellevalle......"

Jacques Beaulieu from Quebec (City?) signed in 1795 to go "dans le Nord" or into the North, with McTavish, Frobisher & Co.

Unlikelys:
Ambroise Beaulieu from Montreal signed a contract in 1822 to go to Lac des Sables as a winterer for the HBCompany;
Ambroise Beaulieu from Montreal re-entered [?] the fur trade in 1826 in Montreal, for one year; apparently not working for the HBC but Day & McGillvary?
Ambroise Beaulieu from Montreal entered the fur trade in 1827 to travel to Lac des Sables as a voyageur;
Charles Beaulieu from St-Roch-de-l'Achigan entered the fur trade in 1800 to travel to Detroit;
Bazile Beaulieu (perhaps one of the Hudon dit Beaulieus) from Maskinonge, entered the fur trade in 1807 to go to Fort Kaministiguia (Lake Superior);
Francois Beaulieu from Pointe a la Calliere entered the North West Company in 1815;
Francois Beaulieu from Fauxbourg Ste. Anne enter the fur trade in 1818, working for the Compagnie du McTavish, McGillivrays & Co. [North West Company];
Francois Beaulieu from Petit Maska (Yamaska), entered the fur trade in 1818 as a winterer;
Francois Beaulieu from Varennes signed on in 1817 to go to Michilimackinac;
Henry Beaulieu from Maskinongay signed on in 1816 to go to Michilimackinac and the North West dependencies for McTavish, McGillivrays (otherwise the North West Company);
Paul Beaulieu from Masquinonge signed on in 1808 to go to Michilimackin et depenceies, L'Isle St. Joseph and the Mississippi with Mess. de la Compagnie de Michilimackinac; he signed up again in 1811;
Clement Hudon dit Beaulieu, from Fauxbourgh, Quebec, signed up in 1818 for 3 years to go to Michilimackinac with Charpentier et Menuisier;
Paul Hudon dit Beaulieu from Riviere du Loup signed up for a year in 1812 to go to Michilimackinac with Compagnie de Michilimackinac; he signed up for a second time in 1813 for same place.

I don't think a quick look at this database has helped us identify our Beaulieu brothers, but I never expected it would.
But there is another Beaulieu family I am quite interested in, and I will speak of this family in my next posting.
Following that, I will consider the Beaulieu men who might have reached David Thompson's Kootenais district without actually coming across the mountains with David Thompson -- that means abandoning every single theory I have presented so far and looking at a new theory.
But that's what you have to do, sometimes, to find out how your ancestors got where they got.

Voyageurs contracts from 1720 to 1822

2011-04-17T18:01:00.000-07:00

This is a find, and one of my readers -- or someone who stumbled on my blog -- gave me a site that will be of interest to anyone who is researching their fur trade ancestry and, especially, Voyageur contracts.
La Societe historique de Saint-Boniface has set up a Voyageur Contracts Database, which includes date from approximately 35,000 fur trade contracts signed in front of Montreal notaries between the years 1714 and 1830.
It is the single largest collection of voyageur contracts signed by men of the Montreal fur trade, and the information collected includes: family names, parishes of origin, hiring companies, length of contract, destinations, advances and wages, conditions of hire, and the date of signing.
I have had a quick glimpse at this and am delighted to find it -- but its 6pm and I am tired.
But I found Beaulieus almost immediately!

Website address is: http://shsb.mb.ca/en/Voyageurs_database
Home/Collections and Research/Archives/Voyageurs will bring you to the Voyageur Contracts Database Introduction page.
Click on The Database is in French only to enter.
Put your ancestors surname in the first line and see what happens!
I think you will be pleased.

Thank you, Nicole, for sharing this information with us, and I will let you all know if I find "Our Beaulieu brothers" here.