Showing posts with label Alexander Caulfield Anderson. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Alexander Caulfield Anderson. Show all posts

Friday, October 18, 2013

My new website and Blog



Good morning, everyone.
I have been a little busy lately, as you may know.
I have been setting up a new website. 
It was such a frustrating job, and I had so little time that I finally hired a professional to do it.
It's been up and running for a while, and I have enough information on the blog that I feel I can now promote it. 

On my new blog I will be writing about the transportation systems used by the Hudson's Bay Company -- the York Factory Express, the Brigades, and the London Ships.
I will put in the rest of the Anderson information I have, including information about the Japanese shipwreck on the Washington coast, 1834.

Will I post anything more on this old blog?
I don't know. 
But there's still lots of reading to do on it, so enjoy.
It is just not easy to travel around this blog to find the old posts -- and this is the huge advantage I find with WordPress.
You can categorize types of articles, so if anyone is interested in the brigade trails and only the brigade trails (for example) they can click on the brigade trail category and read only articles re: that particular subject.

The website is found at: http://nancymargueriteanderson.com
My new blog is attached to that website. 


Click here for the Website.
The blog is on the right hand side of site.



Saturday, June 22, 2013

A.C. Anderson's Letter to Royal Botanic Gardens, at Kew


Years ago I learned that Alexander Caulfield Anderson had written a letter to Kew Gardens.
I emailed them for more information, and Claire Daniel (who was an Archives Graduate Trainee in 2003) sent me a letter that included a copy of A.C. Anderson's letter.
Talk about being floored!
It is easy to be ignored by an archives, especially one of this size and importance.
But they did anything but ignore me.
Thank you, Kew Gardens, and Claire Daniel.

Many fur traders communicated with Sir William Jackson Hooker of Kew Gardens over the years, and the man who referred A.C. Anderson to Hooker, as a correspondent and plant collector, was Fort Colvile's Archibald McDonald.
From Jean Murray Cole's book, "This Blessed Wilderness," we have McDonald's letter of reference, written 20th April 1844:
"Until this moment I was rather angry that my letter & small package of last year was too late at the mouth of the river for the Cape Horne vessel of the season. By that communication it could not be inferred that I was myself speedily quitting the Columbia, but I fear the state of my health now will oblige me to rise camp and once more recross the R[ocky] Mountains. I have however succeeded in constituting in my stead a very good correspondent, Mr. Alexander Anderson of New Caledonia. By a letter I lately had from this Gentleman he seemed delicate about intruding himself upon your notice, Sir, until he had heard from you, scruples I soon removed, directing him by all means to write forthwith with the very first collection he could make himself, or get in from the young Gentlemen whom I commissioned myself."

So Anderson overcame his scruples: Here is his letter, written from Fort Alexandria, 30th September 1845, to Sir William Hooker:
"Sir; At the suggestion of our mutual friend Archibald McDonald, Esquire, I have during the past summer been engaged in collecting some seeds and botanical specimens with the view of forwarding them to you.
"The collection, unsatisfactory as I fear it may prove, is accordingly now sent, and will, I trust, reach you in safety.
"The package is well secured; and will be shipped at Vancouver under the care of my friend, Dr. Barclay, there.

"For the poverty of my collection let me plead that circumstances have in some measure interfere with my own endeavours, while I have been sadly disappointed in the assistance which I had expected from divers quarters.
"Forty-six varieties of seeds are however sent......

"Our New Caledonia fields have already, I believe, yielded their humble treasures very [fully] to poor David Douglas, who, if my memory fail me not, visited them in 1833, when I was stationed elsewhere.
"Thus I cannot hope that my little collection will possess much novelty to you.
"The Tza-chin or edible Bitter Root of New Caledonia (which by the way appears to me to be nearly identical with the Tiger-lily of our gardens) might perhaps be entitled to some little notice as a bonne-bouche if cultivated in England.
"The mode of preparing it is either in small subterranean kilns, or by steaming until soft and mealy.
"It is easily raised from the seed, of which I have sent a supply; there are also some bulbs, but I fear their germinating principle will be destroyed before they reach their destination.
"A deep, light, black soil, similar to the bog earth used in gardens, is what it delights in; and it thrives best in humid situations.....

"The Broue (Fr), or Froth-Berry -- seeds of which are sent -- is a fruit having some peculiar properties, and meriting notice for the agreeable bitter which it possess.
"No-ghoos is the name by which the natives distinguish it.
"It is with them an article of luxurious entertainment at their occasional banquets.
"The mode of using it, after it is prepared by boiling and drying in cakes, is by soaking a small piece in a little water, and afterwards whisking the mixture until it froths up.
"By this means a large vessel will after a while [be] filled with a viscid froth of considerable tenacity.
"This product when free from the detestable accompaniment of grass with which the natives frequently incorporate the berries for the convenience of drying, is nowise unpalatable.
"Of this substance I have sent you a cake, as prepared by the natives, by way of specimen.
"There is likewise a small bag containing the dried roots of the Spet-lum.
"Some of these last which have [not] been entirely desiccated in the process of drying might possibly germinate if planted; as from the nature of the plant I should imagine the most to be rather tenacious of life.

"As my acquaintance with Botany is extremely limited, I have avoided on all costs the endeavour to apply names at random, which could add no possible value to my collection of seeds or flowers.
"Thus they are undistinguished by name or reference, save where necessity has constrained me to be more particular.
"I trust, however, my collection may prove acceptable and shall content myself with hoping that a future day I may be enabled to forward a contribution more worthy of your acceptance.
"I have the honor to be, sir
"Your most obedient & humble servant,
"Alex C. Anderson."

I have already written about Indian Potatoes and other Native Foods, on Sunday, October 2, 2011.
From that page, I take these descriptions, and please note that they come from Nancy J. Turner's book, "Food Plants of Interior First Peoples," published by the Royal British Columbia Museum.

This is what she says of the bulb Anderson thought resembled the English Tiger Lily:
"Tiger Lily is a tall perennial with a white ovoid bulb, up to 5 cm in diameter, composed of thick fleshy scales like garlic cloves.
"The stem is slender, the flowers are bright orange, dark spotted near the centre.
"The Natives used the large bulbs of the Tiger Lily wherever they could find them.
"The flavour of the bulb was strong, peppery and bitter, and they were used like pepper or garlic to flavour foods.
"The Tsilhquot'in [Chilcotin] called the bulb 'beaver-stick,' and harvested the bulbs in the early spring; the Okanagan and other southern Natives harvest them in the fall."

This following is, perhaps, the identification of the plant that Anderson called the "Spet-lum."
The bitter-root "is a low stemless perennial arising from a branching deep-seated fleshy taproot, which is grey-skinned with a white inner core that may turn pink on exposure to the air.
"The plant grows in the driest areas of the B.C. Interior, and is now considered rare.
"But to the Okanagan and the Thompson River Natives, this plant was the most important of all the edible roots."
However, it does not grow in the Chilcotin district, and might not be the plant that Anderson knew.

However, I can go to Anderson's own writing for a description of these plants and the others mentioned in this letter.
Here is how he describes the "Froth Berry," mentioned above:
The "Froth-Berry" is the Cornus Ferruginia or Shepherdia Canadensis (La Broue of the [French-] Canadians) is described in his unpublished essay, "British Columbia," in this manner: "The Berry is dried for winter use. In its fresh or prepared state it is thus used: A small portion is placed in a large vessel, and a little water added. Then being whisked with branches it gradually expands and becomes converted into a very palatable substance resembling Trifle."
[Sounds good: Today they call this Indian Ice-Cream!]

Anderson's son, James Robert, gave a better description of the Froth Berry in his book, Trees and Shrubs, Food, Medicinal and Poisonous Plants of British Columbia:
"Soapberry: Brue [Shepherdia canadensis, Nutt]
"This is one of the two representatives of the natural order Elaeagnaceae (which is allied to the Olive family) in this Province. It is a shrub from 3 to 10 feet high. The leaves, from 1 to 2 inches long and half as wide, pointed and quite smooth on the edges and of a dull-green colour, are covered on the under-sides, in common with the young branches or twigs, with shiny reddish specks, giving them a distinctly rusty-red appearance when viewed from underneath.
"The flowers appear very early in the spring, before the leaves, and are of a dull-red colour, very small, and borne in clusters, usually two clusters at the end of a short stem, divided by a small leaflet or bract and with two leaves at the extremity. The buds form in the summer previous and may be seen at any time in the shape of small reddish globules. The fruit is usually red, sometimes orange in colour, resembling a red currant in size, but more elongated. This peculiarity renders it objectionable to some, but very agreeable to many. The juice, when beaten up, forms a beautiful salmon-coloured froth, which when mixed with sugar is greatly esteemed by the natives, and by whites who have acquired a taste for it. It is from this peculiarity that it obtains the name of Soapberry or Soap Oalalie, in the Chinook jargon. The range of this shrub is very wide, inasmuch as it is to be found in all parts of the Province where suitable conditions exist. Its habitat is the hilly and mountainous parts of the Province, usually in rather open situations, and on dry soil. It is common in the vicinity of Victoria and on the Saanich Arm, and very abundant in the Rocky Mountains."

Nancy J. Turner also identifies this plant as the Soapberry, and gives it the Latin name of Sheperdia canadensis [Nutt.] It is of the Oleaster Family, and might also be called the Russet Buffalo Berry or Foamberry.

Here's what James Robert Anderson says about the Tiger Lily, from the same source as before mentioned:
Tiger-Lily (Lilium columbianum, Hanson)
"The bulb is used in its fresh state and is cooked by boiling. It is slightly bitter and quite glutinous... Then James quotes from his father's manuscript:
"The Tiger-Lily is found abundantly in the fertile bottoms and extends considerably to the north of Alexandria on the upper Fraser. Under the name of Tza-chin the natives of the latter place use the root as an article of food. Carefully steamed it is an excellent substitute for the potato, its flavour somewhat like that of a roasted chestnut, with a slight bitterness which renders it very agreeable."

Here is what James Robert Anderson has to say of the Spet-lum mentioned in A.C. Anderson's letter. It is also called the Bitter-Root.
Bitter-Root; Spetlum; Sand-Hill Rose (Lewisia rediviva,  Pursh)
"This plant, belonging to the Portulaca family, has its habitat in the arid regions of the Interior in open plains. The thick leaves, some 2 inches in length and shaped like those of Portulaca, come up in bunches in the early spring and are followed later on, when the leaves die down, by the flower, which is a beautiful pink blossom resembling a rose. In places they appear in great profusion and present a lovely sight. The Bitter Root Valley (in Montana, I believe) is named after this plant. When the leaves appear, the women dig up the roots, which are thick and generally bifurcated, with the digging-sticks ..., and after stripping off the skin throw them into a basket. They are then dried and kept for future use. They may be eaten in that state or boiled into a pinkish jelly. As its name indicates, it has a bitter taste, somewhat aromatic, and is, I believe, quite nutritious; personally, I never cared much for it, although it is generally much appreciated. It is well named L. rediviva, as it is most tenacious of life, and I have known herbarium specimens to show flowers developing months after having been pressed."

As you can see, these fur traders kept active, and like others of their time they learned about the plants and flowers that surrounded them.
Many collected botanical specimens for Dr. Hooker, of Kew Gardens.
We Andersons, of course, went one step further: my cousin, a direct descendant of Alexander Caulfield Anderson, married a woman who was the direct descendant of Sir William Jackson Hooker, of Kew Gardens.

Sunday, April 21, 2013

Fort Nisqually: many tiny stories from multiple resources

I am amazed at how many stories I have about Fort Nisqually, even though Anderson was only there for one year and a half!
Mind you, much of this information comes from my research for the next book -- William Fraser Tolmie and Fort Nisqually will play an important part in that story!
The information also comes from my being a member of the very active Descendants of Fort Nisqually Employees page on Facebook, where we share a ton of information!

First, I have to tell that people on above Facebook page have informed me that the Fisgard Island [now Anderson Island]  map credited to U.S. surveyor James Tilton was not drawn by Tilton -- but by a fellow named Chapman.
Nor was the map published in 1855, which is the date it carries: it was published a few years earlier than that date.
So I am now digging through the Fort Nisqually journals and other papers that I have downloaded, to see if I can figure out and confirm that story!
And sure enough! On Monday, the 19th of April 1852, the journals record that: "J[ohn] Chapman of Steilacoom City having been engaged to survey the lands claimed by the Puget's Sound Co[mpany], he started to commence operations, accompanied by Mr. [Edward] Huggins and also Barnes, G. Dean and 6 Indians."
Saturday 24th April: "A visit from Mr. Huggins, reports about 30 miles of survey finished. Work arduous & fatiguing."
On Saturday May 1st, 1852: "The surveying party came home, their operations having been stopped today by part of the squatters settled on the lands claimed by the P.S. Co., who would not allow them to proceed any farther. The surveying would have been finished in three or four days more if not stopped, more than three parts done."
Monday 3rd: "Mr. Chapman arrived. Commenced making a plan of the portion of the Company's lands he has lately surveyed."
Wednesday 19th: "Both myself, Barnes & Fiander have been since Monday at surveying part of the Comp[an]y's claim, commenced at the corn 1 miles below Steilacoom & finishing at the point where Mr. Chapman was interrupted on Saturday, 1st May."
So Chapman did the survey of the Fort Nisqually lands in 1852.
In April 1853, a note in the Fort Nisqually journals says this: "The extent of land claimed by the Company according to the survey of Mr. Chapman is 15 miles square."
It covers most of Tacoma, in fact, though it does not include the present site of the replica Fort Nisqually in Point Defiance Park, it does extend up to the park and down to include Dupont and the old location of the first fort, directly opposite Anderson Island.
Clearly it was a big piece of farmland that all the American squatters wanted to get a piece of -- which is why the HBC men had such trouble in fighting off the squatters at Fort Nisqually.
But that is a story for the future; I am working on it now.
If you want more information on the Chapman map, read "Deconstructing Chapman," by Steve A. Anderson, Columbia Magazine, Winter 2011-12, Vol. 25, No. 4. You can't view it online unfortunately, you have to go to your library or order a copy of the magazine.

So who was James Tilton?
And why was James Tilton's name so immediately familiar to me, when I saw the map at Fort Nisqually?
James Tilton was the first Surveyor General of the new Washington Territory, from August 1, 1854 to July 17, 1861: I must have run into him in my Fort Vancouver research.
He arrived in Washington Territory, at Olympia probably, in the spring of 1853, with his wife, children and other family members -- and a young mulatto slave boy named Charles Mitchell, supposedly a gift.
Now, here's where James Tilton's story gets really interesting!
On September 24, 1860, the young slave, Charles Mitchell, was smuggled aboard the steamship apparently by the ship's cook, James Allen, and stowed away.
His hiding place was discovered by the ship's captain, who intended to return him to his Washington State master: he locked the boy in his cabin before sailing into Victoria's harbour on the 25th of the month.
Apparently the blacks who lived in Victoria got wind of Charles Mitchell's imprisonment on the steamship, and through legal means got a writ of habeas corpus that forced the captain to release the boy into British custody.
The captain objected for a minute or two, but allowed the boy to be removed. The next day, Chief Justice Cameron ruled that because Charles Mitchell had stepped onto British soil, he was free.

You've probably heard this story: it just hit the newspapers here in Victoria and in Seattle area.
You can see how recently this story broke by googling, "Charles Mitchell, slave."

But the Charles Mitchell story happened in 1860: Now we are going back in time -- to sometime before 1821!

Who was the first fur trader who ventured through the area where Fort Nisqually later stood?
It is generally stated that John Work and Archibald McDonald were the persons who founded Fort Nisqually.
But who was the first fur trader to visit the site of future Fort Nisqually?
If you have no answer to that question, than you might be interested in this statement, written by Peter Skene Ogden to Governor Simpson in 1847:
"As I now entertain some serious thought of retiring from the fur trade .... I know it will appear egotistical of me to call your attention to my long and arduous service on the West side of the Mountains.
"....Prior to the junction of the two Companys [NWCo. & HBCo in 1821] I also explored the whole of Puget's Sound and was the first who opened the communication by the Cowlitz River to the former place & in that direction extended my travels to within hail of Fraser River (Point Roberts) but unfortunately the credit... was given to another."
Now, isn't that interesting?
Peter Skene Ogden, the fur trader who explored most of what is now the western United States, also once explored north and west from Fort Vancouver as far as the mouth of the Fraser River.
So much fur trade and exploration history must be uncovered by reading letters written many years later.

The Fort Nisqually Brigade Trail: a new brigade trail to me, and I'm the expert (well, sort of):
Brigade trails is my field of interest, but I embarrassed myself by announcing to the members of the Descendants of Fort Nisqually Employees that, in 1855, clerk Angus McDonald brought out the Fort Colvile and Walla Walla brigades by pack-horse, to Fort Nisqually. Did they know?
"Well," they said, "of course we know -- that's the brigade we celebrate every year [dummy!]."

In the Fort Nisqually journals, on June 3rd, 1855, I read: "It is reported that the Colvile and Walla Walla brigades are at the mountains on their way to this place."
On June 23rd, 1855, Dugald McTavish wrote from Fort Vancouver that: "The returns of Colvile & Walla Walla will this season be taken out to Nisqually with horses and it is my intention to go over there in a few days for the purpose of meeting Mr. McDonald, who I am in hopes will reach Puget's Sound with his brigade by the 1st May."
McDonald definitely did not make Nisqually on the 1st of May -- the Fort Nisqually journals indicate that on Wednesday 17th of June: "Three Canadians from the interior arrived this evening presenting two orders for flour from Mr. [Angus] McDonald, he is expected to be here five days from hence with the Colvile Brigade."
Monday, July 2nd: "Mr. A[ngus] McDonald arrived this day with the Colvile and Walla Walla Brigades consisting altogether of about 200 pack horses."
They travelled out from the Yakima River area, through the Cascade Mountains and over Naches Pass, north of Mount Rainier -- the same difficult trail that Wilkes' Americans had traversed in 1842, and that Anderson had brought his cattle drive only a few months later.
From Fort Vancouver McTavish reported, on July 31st: "that Mr. Angus McDonald arrived at Nisqually on the 2nd Inst with the interior furs (amounting to 173 packs) in order -- he found the road from the Yakima very wet & stony. Twelve horses of the Walla Walla brigade got knocked up and were left en route but they will probably be found on the return of the party."
Although no mention of the fun the brigaders had at Fort Nisqually is made in the journals, Steve Anderson, author of Angus McDonald of the Great Divide: the Uncommon Life of a Fur Trader, 1816-1889, tells us [on page 105] that "Puppet shows, athletic feats of strength, speed and skill, as well as a great deal of betting amongst the men broke up the hard work.
"Angus enthralled everyone with his stories, while late night drunks and early morning pranks were documented by Huggins in his later years."
Finally, on Wednesday 25th of July, "Mr. McDonald with the Colvile brigades started this day with 151 pieces goods."
He arrived back at Fort Colvile "with his brigade from Nisqually on the 12th August and found everything in order."
Apparently, it was hoped that the Naches Pass Road would be a future brigade trail, saving the Fort Colvile men the difficulty of bringing out their furs to Fort Langley over the Coquihalla brigade trail, or downriver to Fort Vancouver as they had done for years.
It was not to be. 1855 was the only year that the Fort Colvile fur traders brought their furs out to Fort Nisqually.
In later years, they carried the furs out through British territory, via the Similkameen Trail to Fort Langley, making plans at the same time to build new posts in British territories north of Fort Colvile.
In 1855 the fur trade of the Columbia district, and at Fort Nisqually, was changing rapidly.
It would never again be what it used to be.

General Fort Nisqually information, in the words of Alexander Caulfield Anderson:
This is how Anderson described the workings of Fort Nisqually when he arrived there in 1840 [the following is edited for clarity]:
"Nisqually was established in 1833 by the Hudson's Bay Co. for the purposes of the fur trade. When the Puget Sound Company was organized it continued to be carried on by the Hudson's Bay post, the business of the P.S.Co. being transacted after the manner of an agency.
"At the time the chief expenses of the establishment were incurred for the P.S. Co., and corresponding charges were made against the P.S. Co by the H.B. Co..
"Large herds of cattle and extensive flocks of sheep were on the gorund when I assumed charge in October 1840, also a considerable band of horses.
"The sheep at that time were in several flocks, and the pasture pounds varied daily. The shepherds lived with their flocks in temporary huts and a moveable house on wheels. The whole were under the direction of a head shepherd -- one Mr. Lewis, an experience shepherd engaged in Scotland for the purpose.
"At certain seasons the flock of imported rams were herded at a distance with great care in order to regulate the period of breeding.the sheep on the ground at that time were, as far as I remember, all of improved breeds -- the product of ewes originally imported from California, crossed by valuable rams from England. I could not state from memory the number; there were some hundreds -- a reference to the inventory made by me in spring of 1841 and forwarded to Vancouver would enable me to do so with certainty.
"The herds of sheep were folded nightly within distinct enclosures for the purpose of manuring the ground for agricultural purposes. These pens were shifted periodically as the ground became enriched. To promote the comfort of the sheep they were washed and shorn in summer, and the wool picked and sent to Vancouver for shipment to England.

"There were at the same time large herds of cattle. I cannot speak as to the numbers save under the same conditions as before mentioned. I can state, however, that during the summer of 1841 upwards of 100 cows (I think 120) were tamed and milked for dairy purposes at the district dairy, 4 1/2 to 5 miles from the old Fort.
"Other cows were milked for home use daily at the fort. The cows at the dairy were not all milked at once, but as soon as a certain number of the young cattle had been sufficiently habituated to being handled and milked they were discharged, with their calves, and replaced by others. About 1/3 were probably at each period of the division. All the cattle, milk cows excepted, were penned at night in the same way as the sheep, partly to habituate them to being driven and herded, but chiefly to improve the light soil for agricultural purposes. Mounted herders (Indians) were employed to attend to and collect the cattle.

There were "no settlers at the time, save only the Wesleyan Mission, under Dr. Richmond, established near the present site of the Fort with the aid and concurrence of the Company."
The crops raised were "wheat, pease, oats, turnips, potatoes, colsa for sheep, in addition to the ordinary culinary vegetables -- probably some barley, but if so, not much.
There were "apple trees in growth but not yet bearing.
"The dairy was conducted by an English dairy woman, whose husband (Ancock) superintended the farming operations." It produced "butter, but not cheese, made by the Indians and other assistants."

The "Fort has been changed to its present [2nd] site, and subsequently to 1841 had been transferred to the P.S. Co." I "visited Nisqually winter 1851 [when] Dr. Tolmie was in charge. Again in January 1852, assuming charge for a few weeks during Dr. Tolmie's visit to Victoria.
"Cattle wild as compared with former years. Settlers troublesome in various ways -- squatting on lands, molesting cattle" but I "cannot speak of any particular act of aggression."
I "witnessed the altered habits of the cattle, and speak of the aggressions of squatters from what I learned generally at the time, but particulars have escaped my memory."
Anderson wrote this in 1865; here and below you can see how much the fur trade at Fort Nisqually had changed in the years after 1842, when he was stationed there.
I "paid a visit of a few days to Nisqually in the winter of 1860" when "I heard general complaints of aggressions by squatters, and formed the opinion that the P. S. Co.'s business there was in a very insecure and unprotected state. There may have been safety but there was not security."

By the way, the colsa mentioned above was also known by the name of "Rapeseed."
We now know the plant as Canola; canola is colsa which has had the harmful erucic acid bred out of it.

I have a little more on the killing of Leander Wallace, too, from "History of Puget Sound and the Northwest Coast," by W.F. Tolmie [Mss. 557, Vol.1, File 11, BCA]
I have added a little punctuation so the story is easier to follow.
For further information on the killing of Wallace, go to my Sunday March 31, 2013 post, titled: "More stories about Fort Nisqually and Anderson Island."

"In May or June 1849 some thirty armed Indians chiefly Snoqualimi [sic] came to Fort Nisqually, ostensibly to see their relative. At this time a large number of other Indians engaged in washing and shearing sheep were encamped around the post. They, at the midday our seeing the armed Indians approaching, rushed tumultuously into the fort with their women and children, making a great din.

"The chief of the Snoqualimi, Pattakynum, was admitted into the Fort, the gate closed, and a whiteman with an Indian labourer placed to watch it -- this Indian foolishly fired his gun into the air. This caused the Snoqualimi to rush out of the deserted lodge of the working Indians, where they had been smoking. One of them fired between the pickets into the fort yard wounding an Indian lad in the shoulder, another mortally wounding a young American named Wallace who had arrived for the purpose of trade. He [Wallace], with a companion whose shoulder (just below the insertion of the deltoid muscle) was glanced and bruised by a ball, was standing watching the hubbub outside quite unapprehensive of danger.

"The white gatekeeper (Thibeult, a French Canadian) ran to the bastion, fired amongst the retreating Indians and killed one. Just before the firing began I, who had been out and in previously, was engaged in a daily visit to an invalid Hudson's Bay officer living at Nisqually. I rushed outside to see poor Wallace breathe his last and helped to carry his remains into the Fort.

"The hostiles, as I was afterwards informed, levelled [their guns] at me -- they were by this time under cover, but a Sinhomish amongst them protested, saying "harm enough had been done for one day."

"When some time after, the Oregon Indian superintendent, Quinn Thornton came to Nisqually, he by my counsel offered a large reward in blankets to such Indians as would bring for trial the six named men who were observed by native spectators to discharge their guns outside Fort Nisqually gate. I knew who the real culprits were, but in order that their suspicions might not be aroused, six men were named.

"In course of the summer months, in August or September, three or four companies of U.S. soldiers under Captain (now General) B. F. Hill of the Artillery, were stationed at Steilacoom some six miles north of Nisqually. Indians not friendly to the Snoqualimi managed in course of the autumn to get the six named men to come to Fort Steilacoom, where they were at once disarmed and imprisoned by the military. At a special Circuit Court held at Steilacoom somewhat later -- Cussass who had shot Wallace, and Qullawowt, who had given the Indian lad a wound from which he soon died, were condemned and hung, before the jury left Steilacoom, I think. Several of the jury who dwelt at safe distance from the seaboard were urgent for having the whole six Indians condemned and hung. Others living on the coast opposed this, fearing immediate reprisals from the Snoqualimi."

And so I have given you a few more stories of Fort Nisqually, loosely strung together and not even in chronological order.
This is what writing history is all about -- you take these bits and pieces of information and put them together,  figuring out where each piece fits; sorting out dates and possible situations; and in the end fitting all the pieces into the background of the times.
This, too, a historian must research and understand.
Writing history is not a simple thing to do; any tiny story can present a complex puzzle with many important details and lots of unanswered questions that the writer part of said researcher needs to explain, as best he can.
That is what makes history so much fun -- at least it's fun if you find a story you can eventually explain in a clear and concise manner that allows others to follow it.
It's hard work finding a good story: it's also hard work taking the work that the researcher side of you has done, and "storifying" it.
The writer-side of the researcher/writer must craft a story from many random and often conflicting details, and make the story both believable and readible.

Sunday, April 14, 2013

Japanese Junk shipwrecked amongst the Makah, 1834


As the result of a special request, I am writing part of the story of the Japanese shipwreck on the shores of what would become Washington State, in 1834.
Although Alexander Caulfield Anderson never saw the Japanese boys for himself, the fact that he wrote so much about the shipwreck in later years makes him a major resource for all who want to research this story.

So, from The Pathfinder, I will quote a bit of the story and go on from there:
[p.40] "After spending the winter of 1833-34 at Fort Vancouver, Anderson once again boarded the brig Dryad, along with 40 other men, on May 1, 1834.
"At Fort George [Astoria], Chief Trader Peter Skene Ogden joined the party, and the ship continued its journey downstream to the river's mouth.
"Once there, the captain found the breezes too light to carry the ship safely across the bar, and the Dryad anchored in Baker's Bay."

"Sometime during the eight days of forced inactivity at Baker's Bay, Queen Sally, a Cathlamet Native who lived near the mouth of the Columbia River, boarded the vessel and told the story of a shipwreck.
"Anderson wrote of this encounter: In 1834, at Cape Disappointment, on our way to the northwest coast, Indians boarded our vessel and produced a map with some writing in Japanese characters, a string of the perforated copper coins of that country; and other convincing proofs of a shipwreck.

"The Hudson's Bay gentlemen examined the drawing and admired the coins, but as they were unable to take any actions, Ogden sent the woman to Fort Vancouver with her message.
"McLoughlin dispatched Captain William H. McNeill to locate the site of the shipwreck, and the Lama eventually returned to Fort Vancouver with three Japanese sailors who had been enslaved by the Natives."

So let us look at some resources and see where the information for this story comes from.
The first glimpse any fur trader had of the wreck appears in the Journal of Occurrences at Fort Nisqually:
January 1834: [p.22] "Wednesday 29th. Two men employed squaring wood for Bastions.... An Indian arrived with the unpleasant intelligence that a vessel has been lately wrecked at Cape Flattery and that all hands perished except two men who are now with the Indians there.
"Thursday 30th. ... Ouvre getting a canoe in readiness to set out tomorrow to ascertain the truth of the Indian report about the ship wreck. Rained heavily during the day.
"Friday 31st. ... Ouvre set off with an Indian for the purpose above stated. Rained all last night and this day with a hurricane wind."
The wind blew at hurricane force for five more days, and Ouvre finally returned to Fort Nisqually.
February 1834: [p.23] "Friday 7th. ... Late in the evening Ouvre returned and reported that the story about the shipwreck is a mere fabrication which he ascertained at the Chlallum village New Dungeness."

But the story wasn't a fabrication, and Captain William McNeill was able to rescue the boys and bring them to Fort Nisqually, on his way to Fort Langley and Vancouver.
Hence, in later Fort Nisqually Journals, more mention was made of the Japanese boys:
June 1834: [p.28] "Monday 9th. the men resumed squaring logs for the Store and roofing this building. About 3pm we heard a couple of Cannon shot, soon after I started in a canoe with six men, and went on board the Llama with the pleasure of taking Tea with McNeill who pointed out two Chinese he picked up from the Natives near Cape Flattery where a vessel of that Nation had been wrecked not long since.
"There is still one, amongst Indians inland, but a promise was made of getting the poor fellow on the Coast by the time the Llama gets there."
McNeill remained at Fort Nisqually for three days and then sailed for Fort Langley.
On his return to the west coast of Washington where he found the first two Japanese sailors, he picked up the third and brought them down to Fort Vancouver.

The source for these following letters is Fort Vancouver Correspondence, B.22/b/10, fo. 13-20, HBCA:
On the 28th of May, 1834, John McLoughlin wrote to the Governor and Committee:
"Last winter the Indians informed us that a vessel had been touched somewhere about Cape Flattery, and I sent a party along the coast to recover the crew from the natives but our people could not reach the place and a few days ago I received through the Indians a letter written in Chinese characters and I have written to the captains of our vessels to do their utmost to recover those unfortunate men from the Indians.
"I am informed that only three of them are alive and that forty of them are either dead of sickness or have been drowned.
"The Indians say the vessel was loaded with China wares."
On June 23rd McLoughlin wrote to William Kittson, who I presume had just taken charge of Fort Nisqually: "If Captain McNeil fails in recovering the Chinese from the Indians you will do your utmost to accomplish the humane object."
But in July he addressed McNeill: "I am happy to find that you have been so successful in procuring the poor Chinese whom it seems the natives were much inclined to keep in slavery."

On November 15th, 1834 McLoughlin gave instructions to Captain Darby of the brig Eagle, sailing for London:
"The three Japanese you will take to England and I request you will have the goodness to see that they are as comfortable and as well taken care of as their situation will admit. They are supplied with clothing &c sufficient to take them to England but if they should be in want of any little necessary article you will please supply it on the Hudson's Bay Company's account."

In his report to the Governor and Committee, on November 18th, 1834, McLoughlin reported on the incident:
"A Japanese junk was wrecked last winter in the vicinity of Cape Flattery and out of the crew of fourteen men only three were saved and [rescued] from the Indians by Captain McNeill on his voyage this summer to Fort Langley......
"The Japanese intrusted the letter W to the natives and it was forwarded from tribe to tribe till it came to us.
"I also send a piece of carved wood with Chinese characters on it, and if I understand the Japanese correctly it is the name of the vessel that she was from Yahongau and bound to Yidda, the capital of Japan with a cargo of rice nankins and porcelain ware.
"They were first driven from their course by a typhoon and subsequently a sea unshipped their rudder or broke their rudder irons when the vessel became unmanageable, and that they were about a year from the date they left their home when they were wrecked at which time they had plenty of rice and water yet on board but that a sickness had broke out among the men which carried off all except these three.
"A little after the vessel grounded and before the natives could get any thing worth while out of her a storm arose and broke her up."

I have previously told you that Alexander Caulfield Anderson was with Peter Skene Ogden when Queen Sally came aboard their ship and showed the fur traders the collection of papers and coins that she carried south, toward Fort Vancouver.
According to Anderson's various writings (all of a much later date), this is what he witnessed at the mouth of the Columbia River in 1834:

From: "Notes on the Indian Tribes of British North America, and the Northwest Coast," Historical Magazine, March 1863 [this resource is available online]:
"All the tribes of this portion of the Pacific Coast, I look upon as originating from the islands of the West -- from Japan, the Kuriles and elsewhere.
"Nor is it unsupported hypothesis alone that leads me to this conclusion: within the limited period of my own experience on this coast, I have learnt the possibility of a fortuitous immigration, such as we may be justified in assuming to have led to the gradual peopling of this portion of the continent in the earlier ages.
"For instance, in 1834, at Cape Disappointment, on our way to the northwest coast, Indians boarded our vessel and produced a map with some writing in Japanese characters; a string of the perforated copper coins of that country; and other convincing proofs of a shipwreck.
"Rumors of this had been heard before, and after this corroboration, the company dispatched a vessel to the point indicated.
"It was south of Cape Flattery (at Queen-ha-ilth, I believe).
"Three survivors of the crew were ransomed from the natives, afterwards sent to England, and thence to Japan.--
"In as far as could be understood by us, they were bound from some port in the Japanese Island of Yesi, to another port in the Island of Niphon.
"Losing their reckoning in a typhoon, they drifted for many months, at the mercy of wind and wave, until at length stranded at the point of shipwreck.
"The crew had originally consisted of forty, of whom the greater portion had perished at sea during the transit; three only surviving to reach the shore...."

He gives more information in: The Dominion at the West; a Brief Description of the Province of British Columbia, its Climate and Resources [Victoria: Richard Wolfenden, 1872]:
"Whether the immigration in the remote past has been voluntary or fortuitous, it is of course vain to conjecture: but the possibility of the latter supposition has been convincingly established, even within the limit of my own experience.
"For in 1834, in consequence of Indian rumours which had reached the Columbia River during the preceding winter, a vessel was dispatched from Fort Vancouver to Queen-ha-ilth, south of Cape Flattery, to enquire into the circumstances of a reported wreck.
"Captain McNeill, the Commander, on arriving there, found the remnants of a Japanese junk, and purchased from the natives a quantity of pottery and other articles that had formed portions of her cargo.
"He likewise brought away three Japanese, the survivors of a crew originally consisting, as we understood, of forty; the rest having perished at sea of hunger.
"It appeared that, having been dismasted in a typhoon and lost their reckoning, the junk had drifted for many months until at length stranded....."

An identical description as above can also be found in Anderson's Guide to the Province of British Columbia. 

In addition to these resources, there is a more important one that is a little more difficult to find.
This is Alexander Caulfield Anderson's "Historical notes on the commerce of the Columbia River, 1824 to 1848," in the Beinecke Library, Yale University Library, New Haven, Conn.
The collection consists of an somewhat inaccurate article labeled "Pioneer Ships: History of Early Commerce on the Columbia River," author unknown -- and Alexander Caulfield Anderson's written response when he corrected some of the information contained in the piece.

In the article itself, the author writes (somewhat inaccurately) about William H. McNeill:
"In March 1833, a Japanese junk was cast away fifteen miles south of Cape Flattery.
"Out of seventeen, three survived the wreck, to be made captive by the Makah Indians.
"Dr. McLoughlin, hearing of the captivity of the wrecked Japanese, sent overland to Nisqually, and thence down the Sound, Thomas McKay, to redeem them.
"Of this trip and its hero, Dr. W. F. Tolmie writes: Dr. McLaughlin had sent the renowned 'Tom McKay' to Puget Sound to endeavour to reach Cape Flattery by canoe, with the view of bringing about the liberation of the Japanese.
"Tom got no further than the Sinahomish camp, Nigwadsooch [Scadjett Head], and idled away time there as it was suspected.
"On being cross-questioned by the late 'hyass Doctor,' as to the cause of his failure, all he could say, that is remembered, was: 'It blowed, sir, it blowed -- my God! How it did blow!"....[end of W.F. Tolmie's supposed quote].
"After Tom Mackay had returned from his unsuccessful mission, the Llama, Capt. McNeil [sic], was sent to Neah Bay to redeem the Japanese captives.
"In June 1834, [McNeill] was at Fort Nisqually with two of them rescued, the third being in the interior.
"McNeil [sic] returned to Cape Flattery, received the third, proceeded to Fort Vancovuer, and in October the three were sent to London, educated in the English language and sent to their native country."

In Alexander Caulfield Anderson's handwritten letter, not necessarily included with this article, is his response to the above statement:
"From notes in my possession, supplemented by memory, I may state, regarding the Japanese Junk, as under -- Vague memory had reached Ft. Vancouver during the winter 1833/34 of the wreck of a ship upon the coast at some indefinite point between Gray's Harbour and Cape Flattery.
"Mr. Thomas McKay was dispatched in canoe via Baker's Bay and the portage to Shoalwater Bay, with orders to follow the Coast and endeavour to ascertain correct tidings, if not to afford relief.
"The severe storms prevalent in the early spring prevented his accomplishing the object of his mission; and he returned, having penetrated, as I understand, no further than Gray's Harbour (Chehalis) -- and bringing little intelligence beyond what had already [been] received through the Indians.
"It was not till May that direct confirmation was received.
"Mr. [Peter Skene] Ogden was then on his way, accompanied by myself, to establish a fort on the Stikine River (1834), and our vessel, the Dryad, was anchored in Baker's Bay.
"Sally, the widow of Old Chenanium, boarded the vessel on her way from Shoalwater Bay to Chinook Point, bringing with her a number of articles, including perforated copper coins and a rude chart drawn in Chinese or Japanese paper, with writing in their common character, which at once proved to us the fact of the wreck and indicated the probable nationality.
"Mr. Ogden forwarded the articles to Vancouver, and Captain McNeill was afterwards sent with the Llama -- affecting the release of the surviving as stated in the notice.
"Captn. McNeill afterwards told me that the Inds: were averse from giving up the men (3 in number); that he then seized one or two of the Chiefs as hostages, after which the survivors of the crew were brought on board the Llama and ransomed by him.
"He afterwards bought from the Inds a large quantity of crockery-ware saved from the wreck, which was subsequently sold in the sale-shop at Vancouver....."

The Cathlamet woman Sally was known by the fur traders as Queen Sally, and so I referred to her in that manner in my book.
The crockery-ware mentioned here is an important story in itself, and I will speak of it on a later occasion.
Right now we will continue following Anderson's remarks, in his response to the newspaper article labelled "Pioneer Ships":

"I think Dr. Tolmie has confused Mr. McKay's visit to the Skatchet, as connected with the Japanese wreck, with another occasion -- probably connected with the murder of McKenzie in 1828.
"I was at Vancouver (after my return from the coast in the Cadboro) when McKay returned from his fruitless attempt to reach the [Japanese] wreck before referred to, and I never heard any imputation cast upon the good faith of his proceedings on that occasion....
"McKay... was a zealous and daring officer; and not likely to be deterred by trivial difficulties or to advance a questionable excuse to cover an obvious failure to fulfill his orders.

"It may be interesting to know that the spot where the Japanese Junk of whose wreck Mr. McKay was in quest, was stranded very near, if not identical with, the locality in which his father lost his life, on the destruction of the "Tonquin" in 1811."
Thomas McKay's father, Alexander, was one of the first to die when the PFC ship Tonquin was attacked by Natives at Clayquot Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver Island, in 1811.
So Anderson appears inaccurate here, but he does say he believed that the Japanese junk was wrecked at a place the fur traders called Queen-ha-ilth.
In some research I did some years ago, I seem to remember having discovered that Queen-ha-ilth was at Destruction Island, on the Washington coast.
If that was where the Japanese shipwreck actually occurred, Destruction Island is a very good name considering how quickly their ship was destroyed.

I almost forgot that I said, on Twitter, there was a movie.
It is a Japanese film, entirely in the Japanese language but with subtitles in English for the part of the movie when the sailors are at Fort Vancouver.
Johnny Cash plays Dr. John McLoughlin!
The movie's title is Kairei; it was filmed in the 1980's, and its ISBN is 4-264-02095-6 (Life Entertainment, World Wide Pictures, website: http://wipm.or.jp or http:/www.gospeltv.jp)
But for more information on the film (which I was sure was filmed at Fort Langley, not Fort Vancouver) follow this link to Fort Vancouver National Historic Site, NCRI Report, and see page 6, "John McLoughlin and Johnny Cash."
John McLoughlin and Johnny Cash
Just so you know, it is not historically accurate, but it is fun!

Sunday, April 7, 2013

My Answers to Questions Asked


In the months after my book, The Pathfinder, was published, readers and historians asked me a few questions that I was unable to give good answers to at the time.

The first came from an anthropologist and archaeologist who teaches at a local University.
His email said this: "I am really looking forward to your book."
Then he told me a story of a Native man who remembered that, many years earlier, his many-times-great-grandmother had been hidden away for safety, because "some strange person was coming down the [Lillooet] river."
He figured out the generations, and said he thought that the stranger might have been Alexander Caulfield Anderson, on his 1846 journey down the Lillooet River to Fort Langley.

Great story! But the anthropologist finished his email it with the question:
"Anderson does not seem to mention much in the way of villages as he went down the Lillooet river -- any idea why?"
At the time I did not have the answer.
But while I never consciously thought about the question, it simmered away and eventually answered itself.
I realized that most of what Anderson put in his expedition journals related directly to the business of searching for a suitable brigade trail.
It was, in other words, entirely a business journal, and only things that were important to the business of a brigade trail made it into his journal.
The journal's name tells us that -- his 1846 journal is titled: "Journal of an expedition under command of Alex C. Anderson... undertaken with the View to ascertaining the practicability of a communication with the interior, for the import of the annual supplies."
Like his other journals of exploration, it has a specific purpose: to report back to the Board of Management at Fort Vancouver the route taken and its availability, or non-availability, as a brigade trail for heavily laden pack-horses.

I figured this out when I learned, from a historical geographer friend, what the requirements were for a good brigade trail.
He gave me the information that I included in my book, and I added a bit to it:
From page 106: "Besides considerations regarding the route itself, the Hudson's Bay men had developed strict requirements for an overland brigade trail, based on experience, good and bad.
"The Company was looking for a trail that hundreds of horses could travel safely without injury.
"A path that might work for a man on foot would not necessarily work for the heavily loaded brigade horses.
"Sharp rocks on the trail bed would damaged the horses' delicate hooves and cut their fetlocks.
"If the ground was too soft, the passage of so many horses would turn the trail into a quagmire that later brigades could not cross.
"Safe fords over rivers and creeks were essential, especially as so much of the travel was done in early summer, the season of high water.
"Gradient was important, but they could accept a steep slope if the hillside allowed room for switchbacks.
"The horses needed food and water, and trail builders could sow alfalfa and white clover along the edges of the horse road if the ground was good, but they could not manufacture streams.
"Anderson would have to keep all these concerns in mind as he explored the potential brigade trails."

So when I re-read the journals after processing and writing the above, I understood them more fully.
Anderson wrote nothing of the journey along the south shore of Kamloops Lake to modern day Savona, as this road was good and well-known to all the fur traders -- there were no problems here.
When he "found River du Defunt much swollen" because of the rainy spring, he is warning of difficulties future brigaders might have in crossing the river.
Of course, the fur traders would build an easily maintained bridge here.
On the 17th of May he does describe the rock indented with hat-like cavities: rather unnecessarily. But he goes on with a description of the "picturesque valley, richly covered with herbage, and bordered by hills sprinkled with Fir trees."
There was plenty of feed for the horses here, and fresh water only a short distance further on.

Then at the Lower Fountain, where the Kamloops men traded for salmon, he noted that: "The banks of the [Fraser] river hereabouts are extremely broken and precipitous; and many of the adjacent hills are white with recent snow."
You will remember that I informed you that "Sharp rocks on the trail bed would damage the horses' delicate hooves and cut their fetlocks."
Anderson's next line was this: "One of our horses got his leg cut in crossing a small brook, this afternoon, and is lame in consequence."
It may not have had meaning to us on the first read, but it would have meant a lot to the members of the Board of Management at Fort Vancouver.

On Tuesday 19th Anderson wrote: "The spot which had been described to me as likely to afford a passage for horses is at the Riviere de Pont, opposite to the Lower Fountain, but to my disappointment I find it quite unsuitable for the purpose -- at least at this season, if indeed at any time practicable with a large band of horses.
"The proposed track passes over a mountain 1,500 to 2,000 feet in height, the summit of which even at this advanced season, is still thickly covered with snow, and obviously impassable save with snow shoes.
"In short there does not exist the slightest probability of a horse road in this direction, suitable for our purposes, from the spot alluded to, to that where I am now encamped...."
When he wrote this, he was on Seton Lake, having crossed the Fraser River to walk down its west bank to the Seton River.
I am looking at this paragraph now, and wondering...
Was he talking about Fountain Ridge, or was he describing the mountain across the Fraser from the end of the ridge?
I haven't been up to that spot since 1993 -- I may have to return and take a good look.

Whatever route was described to him by John Tod, at Fort Kamloops, was then discarded, and the second choice taken -- an expedition via Seton and Anderson Lakes to the Lillooet River.
He says this in the line: "Finding my views disappointed in the direction at first proposed, I determined on proceeding by the lakes...."
I now believe it was his plan to go down the Fraser River through the canyons, but he chose to travel the second route, by the lakes, when the first did not work.
I also now know that Pahallak, or another Sto:lo guide, was waiting for him at the forks of Thompson's River and the Fraser.
They did not meet that summer.

Anderson tells no stories of the Salish Wool Dogs, though he certainly saw them on this journey and in his later expedition down the banks of the Fraser River.
He does describe the Natives he found there, and the discomfort the fur traders felt because they were alone amongst all these men who could easily have overwhelmed them.
But the Native name for Seton River -- Pap-shil-qua-ka-meen -- is mentioned only in a later piece of writing, though he can only have learned the name from the guides who accompanied him on this particular journey.
As far as I know, he never returned to the mouth of the Seton River.

Anderson's party continued on to Lillooet Lake from Anderson and Seton Lakes.
On the Lillooet River, Anderson hired "a fine canoe, with two expert boutes. In the evening... we encamped at the head of a rapid or fall, where it is necessary to drag the canoe."
Then he said: "I find the river very different from what I expected. At this stage of the water it is a perfect torrent; and at a higher stage (it is now at half-water) must afford a very precarious navigation.
"In fact, but for the expertness of our Indian boutes, who are thoroughly versed in the intricacies of the river, we should, I fear, have much difficulty in getting through."

Anderson had already disqualified this route as a brigade trail for horses.
Clearly, by now, he is now mentally eliminating the travel of this rough river as a possible route for the boats the fur traders used -- if they could make their way downriver (which seemed unlikely), how would they ever come upriver again?
From this point onward, he and his party continued downriver to Fort Langley as quickly as they could: there was no further need to look around.
His work was done, and he spent little time in describing the country he saw.

But the question was: "Anderson does not seem to mention much in the way of villages as he went down the Lillooet River -- any idea why?"
My answer, at last: This was a business journal, and the Native villages along the lower Lillooet River were not important to the fur traders, especially as he had already mentally disqualified this route as a possible brigade trail.
He was travelling downriver with Native guides who had no reason to dally -- the sooner they reached Fort Langley, the more quickly they would be rewarded for their work.
Anderson also had a reason to reach Fort Langley as quickly as he could.
He wanted to begin his return journey to Kamloops, exploring for an alternate route on the way.
He still had a job to do, and this first trail was not the route he was looking for.

Anderson never returned to the Lillooet River, and wrote very little about it later.
In his unpublished draft manuscript "British Columbia" he noted that: "The Lakes of British Columbia are a great feature in its geography....
"Harrison's Lake, in the lower portion, I have already referred to.
"This lake is connected with two other lakes, in close contiguity with each other, the united length of which is about 25 miles.
"These lakes, distinguished by their Indian name Lillooet, are connected with Douglas [the town of Port Douglas, at the head of Harrison Lake] by by a wagon road.
"They are navigated by steam boat.
"From the upper end the road is continued through a depression in the Lillooet spur of the coast Range, twenty four miles to Lake Anderson.
"A channel 1 1/2 mile in length connects this lake with Lake Seton, the lower end of which is within three miles of the town or village of Cayoosh, on the bank of the Fraser River, some 40 miles above Lytton.
"The united length of Lakes Anderson and Seton is about thirty eight miles.
"The scenery of the shores, and especially of the latter, is extremely grand.
"These lakes, like the Lillooet, are navigated by steamboats.
"The depth of all is great."
He is describing now the 1858-1859 Harrison Lillooet trail, which was developed over the route of his first exploration down the Lillooet River.
In 1858 he visited what is now called Port Douglas, a town built a year or two later at the mouth of the Lillooet River on Harrison Lake.
He played a major part in naming the future town for his friend, James Douglas.
But he never travelled over the Harrison-Lillooet trail, and so never saw the Lillooet River again.

The second question I was asked, in person, when I was in Hope, B.C., after my one hour & a half talk there:
My sister and I were in the Blue Moose Cafe (a wonderful place, if you are ever in Hope), waking up with our morning coffee the morning after I had given my talk and slide show.
Two men came in and sat down at the coffee table and chairs where we were reading the newspapers and sleepily drinking our coffee.
They talked to each other, and then they talked to us; they knew who we were.
One, a young Native man who said he came from Spuzzum, asked me whether I thought I would ever write about any person or thing other than my great grand-father, Alexander Caulfield Anderson.
Now, isn't that an interesting question?
I had no answer for him at that time.
My first thought was this: that in order to write about someone else or something else I would have to set aside my ten years of research on Alexander Caulfield Anderson and his fur trade, and begin all over again.
To me, that was a huge objection.
I wasn't ready for that question.
I was still deeply involved in writing talks and articles to promote the current book, published only three months earlier -- a year and a half later I am still involved in promoting the book.
The question came too quickly, and at the time I did not have an answer.
Again, it had to simmer.

It took me six or more months for the answer to emerge, and in the meantime I wrote two or three more speeches and an article for the Annual Report of the Okanagan Historical Society, 2012.
I fooled around with other ideas, and you can see the result of my blog where I wrote about "The Salmon in the fur trader's New Caledonia," on Saturday, February 18, 2012.
This is Anderson's own writing but it is a merged manuscript -- that is, I took four of his manuscripts and merged the information in them in order to create this future chapter of a book I could write.
And maybe I will write this book, sometime in the future.
I have, however, four missing A.C. Anderson manuscripts I want to find before I do this -- if they still exist.

I also considered other choices in addition to the "Memoir."
I can write about the years of the Indian Reserve Commission of 1876-1877 -- that's a fascinating story in itself and much of the story is omitted from this book.
I can write a more detailed story of the four explorations and the end result of those expeditions and the crisis that followed, and I am extremely interested in that time period.
I can write about Fort Victoria during those years; but, frankly, of all the things I could write about, Fort Victoria is the one thing that has the least interest for me, in spite of the fact I live in Victoria.
The fur trader Sam Black fascinates me, but that involves a great deal of research and writing with very little information about his later life at Kamloops.
Interesting as his life may have been, his story would be skimpy at best.

I can write about Peter Skene Ogden or Donald Manson or other fur trade characters, but his descendants are planning to do this -- not that that should stop me.
In a way I am writing about them, because their story will be a part of my next book.
I do now know what I am writing about, and I am already learning things that will add to or change the information I put in The Pathfinder.
There will be many characters in this book; and yes, Alexander Caulfield Anderson will be one of them.
Yes, he will play a major role in a complex story, but he will disappear from the story, too.
Yes, it is a fur trade story: I don't think I will ever move outside the fur trade, or at least, not until I write about the Indian Reserve Commission and that is, in its way, still a fur trade story.
This next book will be a thick book: I think it is possible that it will be two books by the time I am done.
I have a feeling I know which way the book or books will lead me.
However, books sometimes lead the author to some unexpected places.
We will have to see where I end up.

So anyway, if anyone in Hope or Spuzzum is reading this post, please tell the young Spuzzum artist who designed the stage decorations for the stage play "Where the Blood Mixes," that I have answered his question.
Tell him, thank you for the question!
It was a tough one to answer.

Sunday, June 17, 2012

Book Review!

My book, The Pathfinder, has been reviewed in our local Times Colonist newspaper, by Dave Obee, newspaperman and author of the prizewinning book, The Library Book: A History of Service to British Columbia.
He got it!
It is a perfect time to be reviewed -- just as the busy summer reading season is beginning.
And this is a very nice review.
Thank you, Dave.

Here is the review:

"Pioneer's explorations vital to province's early days.

"One of British Columbia's true pioneers, Alexander Caulfield Anderson, is buried at St. Stephen's Anglican Church in Saanichton. This book, by one of his descendants, ensures that he will not be forgotten.

"Anderson signed up as an employee of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1831, when he was just 17 years old. Through his career with the fur-trading company, he proved to be a superb explorer, mapping the Interior and finding ways for traders and settlers to get from one valley to another, or to and from the forts on the coast.

"By the time he was done, Anderson had mapped four viable routes between the company's forts in Kamloops and Fort Langley. His maps are vital documents in the study of B.C. history.

"After he left the company, his work continued to make a difference. In 1858, for example, his Hand-book and Map to the Gold Regions of Frazer's and Thompson's River was published in San Francisco, helping eager prospectors from California find their way to the gold rush that helped create our province.

"Anderson moved to Victoria in the same year, taking a job as customs collector. In 1862, after losing money in a steamship business, he sold his house in Victoria and moved to a farm on the Saanich Peninsula.

"He also served as an Indian Reserve Commissioner, which meant he worked on early land claims, and inspector of fisheries. This work certainly helped him financially -- the farm not being a huge success -- and added to an already impressive list of accomplishments.

"His list of contacts was a veritable who's who of early British Columbia. He knew just about everyone who mattered, from Peter Skene Ogden to James Douglas to Lady Jane Franklin, who visited Victoria after her husband went missing while searching for the Northwest Passage.

"Anderson was a key source for Hubert Howe Bancroft of San Francisco, who wrote comprehensive histories of the northwest coast and B.C. in the 1880's. Bancroft later gave credit to Anderson, noting that they had spent nearly two weeks together, with Anderson providing "much valuable material" to his project.

"Anderson was key, then, in creating the Bancroft legacy: An unsurpassed collection of material on the northwest that formed the basis of what became the Bancroft Library at the University of California in Berkeley.

"Nancy Marguerite Anderson spent two decades researching the life of her ancestor, pulling information from several libraries and archives. She used old letters, Anderson's maps, Anderson's official reports, and other sources to tell his story in great detail.

"Her book, The Pathfinder, is well illustrated with  maps, appropriate given A.C. Anderson's role in mapping the province. It includes portions of colour maps found in the B.C. Archives as well as new maps that show the routes Anderson found.

"Anderson seemed out of step for much of his life, reluctant to adapt to changes in the fur trade, changes in farming and the evolution of the province away from a culture and an economy based on the fur trade.

"Still, as the author notes, Anderson knew that his work was important. He worked, she says, to improve the future of the people he lived among.

""No matter how out of place Anderson may have felt, he knew he was the right man, in the right place," she writes.

"He has a rightful place in our history books for all of the work he did for the company, the colony, and the province. His knowledge of B.C. geography was probably unsurpassed in his day, and he worked hard to share that information with others.

"Nancy Marguerite Anderson's The Pathfinder helps us to remember all that he accomplished on our behalf."

Sunday, June 3, 2012

The Indian trail around the mountain North of Yale

On May 13, 2012, I wrote about Elton Alexander Anderson's view of his grandfather's journey up the Fraser River with the incoming 1848 brigade.
I will now include Alexander Caulfield Anderson's own description of his downriver passage around that bluff in 1847, directly from his journals found in the British Columbia Archives.
We will begin before he reaches that last canyon bridge, and follow him though the journey as he climbs the cliffs from the Anderson River to the top of Lake Mountain:

We "ascended the mountain, and struck directly for Fraser's River. The ascent is tedious, but by making the road deviously the inconvenience of the hill may be easily overcome. Upon the top of the mountain is an even surface free from underwood extending a couple of miles, when by diverging a little to the right Fraser's River is again seen winding below.
"Mr. [Montrose] McGillivray being taken unwell, [we] abandoned the intention of proceeding down to the river, and we are encamped on the brow of the mountain. Around us are a few patches of snow."

At this place they are at the top of the mountain above the winding Black Canyon, and Hell's Gate canyon is just north of their position. If you visit Hell's Gate, take a good look at the mountain directly east of the place! That's the mountain that the 1848 brigade passed over -- twice!

"I struck off the road to take a birds-eye view of a rapid which obstructs the navigation near this spot and which is said not to be practicable at this season. Judging from the agitated appearance of the stream as seen from our elevated position, this rapid is a succession of dangerous whirlpools, apparetnly unnavigable, and I am informed unavoidable by portage. It resembles some of the Columbia rapids in the dale-like formation of the banks, and there seemed to me to be little facility for putting out the line. But the Indians say that it loses its dangerous character at a lower stage of the water."

In this last paragraph, I believe that dale-like must be "dalle-like" -- Dalle being a French word used in the fur trade for canyons such as this. Though the Natives do not indicate to Anderson that there is a trail made of boards through this canyon, there must apparently be one -- this is the canyon where Simon Fraser actually came downriver on the Natives' deerskin and rope trails. Hence there is an error in my book which will be corrected in the next edition -- but I am happy to tell you that these trails also existed at the bluff just south of Yale, and their presence is recorded in Alexander Caulfield Anderson's journal. Read on!

"May 27. Set out at 3 1/4 am and descended the hill in a slanting direction to the village of Kequeloose upon Fraser's River which spot we reach after two hours of slow travelling."
As you know, the village of Kequeloose stood about where Alexandra Lodge now stands, just north of the east end of the Alexandra Bridge that crosses the Fraser at Spuzzum.

"The track may be easily improved and by making an occasional circuit a good horse road may be constructed. From Kequeloose it took us 2 1/2 hours to reach Spuzzum [village], the ferry proposed by [the Sto:lo chief] Pahallak, a distance of about 6 miles.
"The country is very rough and much labor with many painful circuits would be necessary to complete a road anywise practicable for horses. There is a village upon the right bank of the river at the mouth of a stream issuing from the direction of Lillooet mountains [to the West].
"Procured a canoe and after some delay succeeded in crossing [the Fraser River, at the Spuzzum Native village]. At this season both the nature of the banks and the strength of the water preclude the practicability of a horse ferry upon a large scale, nor is there a spot near suitable for this purpose.
"Seeing thus that the plan proposed, of which the ferry in question was an essential condition, was rendered void, I determined on ascertaining whether the navigation in the direction of the falls was so bad as I was led to believe, for the information I had recently received from the Indians induced me to hope that a means of overcoming the obstacle, by portage and otherwise, might possibly be devised.
"Accordingly I despatched Mr. McGillivray to pass the party by the land track marked on Pahallak's sketch, while with [Edouard] Montigny and some Indians I proceeded in a course by the river. In 35 minutes we reached the head of the Falls, running a small rapid by the way.
"Several hours after the party arrived, Mr. McGillivray reporting very unfavourably of the road. We are now encamped upon a rocky eminence about 2/3 of the distance down the rapids. I subjoin the conclusion at which I am arrived after as careful an examination of the navigation down to this point, as it has been in my power to afford.
"The rapids extend at the present stage of the water, with intervals of navigable space, for a distance of about 3 miles, confined in some parts between lofty walls of rock. This is the case at the first stage where the width of the stream is contacted to 100 yds. or less. In other parts the shores are shelving with broken rocks or smooth rocky surfaces.
"On both sides wherever the nature of the shores will by possibility admit of their erection, are numerous scaffolds upon which the natives suspend their salmon to dry, at the proper season.
"The first stage of the rapid above alluded to might be run waded, being at present free of material danger. Its ascent would be less feasible from the difficulty of putting out a line. But in either direction there is every facility on the right hand side for carrying both boats and cargo by the portage, 630 paces in length, used by the Natives for the purpose.
"It is unexceptionable in all respects, passing through a small valley behind the confining rampart of rock. A couple of hundred yards lower down is the second stage, and to effect this there is likewise great facility. The third stage is formed by a rocky island in the middle of the river, where a portage over a rocky point upon the right shore is again quite practicable. Below this we are encamped.

"May 28. Resumed our journey as soon as daylight enabled us to thread our way among the broken rocks. A few hundred yards below our encampment is another rapid where a portage upon the left side is necessary at the present stage of water. This portage passes over a point and is apparently favourable in all respects. This is the lowest rapid of the series save one which is unworthy of notice, and having now examined the whole, I have no hesitation in pronouncing my opinion that they are far from presenting any insurmountable obstacle to our progress even at the present high stage of the water. At the worst their difficulties when united do not exceed those of the Dalles and Chutes of the Columbia combined.

"After passing the rapids the pathway led along a dangerous causeway of cedar boards connecting the several projecting points of the precipice. Shortly afterwards we crossed a stream close by which is the first village of the Schince, or Lest, tribe."

This journal is a copy of his original journal which has not been found, by me at least. At this point in the copy, Alexander Caulfield Anderson added a note, which said: "This is where Fort Yale now stands." And so, he leaves little doubt that the Native trail above Fort Yale is made of the same materials that Simon Fraser found in Hell's Gate and Black Canyons to the north.

I had a wonderful description of this trail which I used in the book, written by the gold-miners in 1858. I am looking for it, and when I locate this description, I will add it in here so that you will have more information. You might have to wait for it as it is proving hard to find, but I am reorganizing all the papers I have here for the next book, and it will eventually be uncovered!

Thanks for your patience.

Sunday, February 12, 2012

Alexander Caulfield Anderson's maps

As you have heard before, I was invited to speak in front of the Historical Map society, which meets at UBC, in Vancouver.
My sister and I met some of the members of the group for supper, and proceeded to UBC.
I had been told there would be about 12 to 15 persons in the group, but when we arrived in the room we found there were more like twenty-five people waiting for us.
Many of the younger members of the group, who do not often come to the meetings, attended this meeting.

Of course I was pleased to see the crowd, but what it meant was that I had not brought nearly enough books to sell, and quickly ran out.
For those of you who were unable to purchase a  book at the meeting, you should find copies of it at the UBC bookstore just down the road, and my publisher is ensuring there are sufficient copies.
The People's Co-op bookstore has copies, and you can purchase e-books through Chapters (if you have a Kobo), and other sources.

Anyway, we set up quickly and listened as they held their meeting, and I was introduced to the crowd. For those of you who want to do further research on Anderson's maps in British Columbia archives, I am adding further information to the talk that I gave on his maps.
I am also including a little history, which on looking back I think I should have included in the talk to make the speak easier to follow.

Here we go:
"Good evening, everybody. Thank you for coming. As you may or may not know, I am the author of "The Pathfinder: A.C. Anderson's Journeys in the West, published by Heritage House in Fall, 2011. Anderson's full name is Alexander Caulfield Anderson and, in the mid-1840's, he was a Hudson's Bay Company fur trader, explorer, and map-maker.

"In order to write Alexander's biography, I had to access his many maps for stories written on them that appear nowhere else. Even now I am not certain I have all the answers -- or even that I have discovered all the questions.

"People ask me why Anderson drew his maps; I can only guess the reason. All fur traders drew maps of the territory they lived in, which they left behind for the next person in charge of the post. But often they kept a copy for themselves. Both Alexander, and his brother James -- also an HBC fur trader -- had a collection of maps when they retired. But I think that Alexander had an artistic bent that James did not have, and map-making was just an extension of that natural interest in art.

"Both Alexander and James received a liberal education that centered around culture and the arts; their relatively rich father had even paid for elocution and dancing lessons for his sons. They probably received art lessons; both brothers read widely though Alexander studied Latin while James quoted poetry in later letters to his brother.

"Alexander's first map-making experiment began, I believe, at Fraser's Lake, when he took charge of this small post in the winter of 1835-36. So this is where we will begin:

"His first map is numbered CM/13703A, and the archives lists it under the name, "Northern Interior of British Columbia." During the time he was at Fraser's Lake, Anderson copied down information from maps that would have existed at the post. This map, drawn in the 1870's, contained information taken from an old map and formed the basis of his finished map of the New Caledonia area that surrounded Fort George, Fraser's Lake, Fort St. James, and McLeod Lake.

"The map numbered CM/13665A, "Guide Map to the Peace River Mines," was drawn to show gold miners at Victoria north to the Omineca District east of Fraser's Lake -- where a new gold rush was just beginning. By the time Alexander drew this map, he was the only person in Victoria that was known to have spent any time in this region.

"The writing on the edge of the map begins with: "N.B. The route from Quesnel to Fraser's Lake is so well traced as not to be mistaken. (It was almost certainly the old horse road between Fort Alexandria and Fraser's Lake). From Fraser to Stuart Lake more care is necessary. The route strikes up from the village of Nantley (on Fraser Lake), a little to the eastward of North, and follows the same general course throughout...." The instructions continue, and are clear enough that an outdoorsman could, even today, follow Anderson's description of this trail, making his way from the old fort at Fraser's Lake to Fort St. James.

(For those of you who are outdoorsmen and who live in the area, I am writing out the complete description of this trail here -- those of you who don't want to hike through the bush with the bears can ignore this paragraph:
"The route strikes up from the village of Nantley (on Fraser Lake), a little to the east of North, and follows the same general course throughout. After passing the small stream called the "Beaver Dam," the pass narrows generally till a few miles further on the first height of land is crossed. This is the head of Hootsan River. Following down the Grand Boulee[?] a short distance, the trail strikes to the left and the second rise is ascended. Crossing it obliquely, Stuart's Lake is seen, and the hill is descended to Quaw Lake. [Quaw was an important Native chief in the area, and this note might indicate where Quaw had his village.] This part of the road takes care, as the path is indistinct in the mossy land. Pass around the right or east end about a miles and a half, the trail will be perceived crossing the point of wood to the second small lake, at the further end of which is a bridge over the small issuing stream. Thence the road is well marked, passing along the hills bordering the right of the river leading to the lake. There is only one trail to be avoided, that is, shortly after leaving Fraser's L., a fishing path striking to the left. There was formerly a good deal of fallen woods in parts, the result of fire, else the rail was on the whole good.")

"Two other old trails are marked on Map CM/13665A, "Guide Map to the Peace River Mines." One was the horse-road that existed between Fort Alexandria and Fraser's Lake, mentioned in the Fort Alexandria journals in mid-1840's -- Fort Alexandria stood on the Fraser River north of Soda Creek and south of Quesnel. Also, Alexander Mackenzie's 1793 route along the Black Water River to the coast is marked. In fact you will find Alexander Mackenzie's route noted on any A.C. Anderson map that covers this part of the world.

"The double-sided map, "Upper Fraser River; map and notes submitted to Marcus Smith," CM/13699A, [drawn in January 1874], shows, in various portions and inserts, the entire Upper Fraser River north of Fort George [Prince George], all the way to Tete Jaune Cache at the base of the Rocky Mountains. When I was writing the Leather Pass story in "The Pathfinder," I had to read all the notes on this map to complete the tale of that adventurous and frightening mid-winter journey across the snow-bound Rockies to Edmonton House.
When you look on the reverse side you will understand what I mean by "notes."

"Note, too, that opposite the location of Fort George, Anderson indicated an "old fort" that apparently stood across the river from where Fort George was. Bob Campbell of the Exploration Place, Prince George, told me that: "it is probably a mistake, as there is a description of the sun rise at Fort George in the morning from the early 1840's, which describes how the sun is blocked by the hills. This would fit the traditional west bank location."

"But Anderson spent the winter of 1840 trapped at dreary Fort George, and he was bored, active, and curious enough to have explored the area; it is likely that all the fur traders of the time were familiar with this "old fort." The ruins of an earlier post could easily have stood in that location, especially as the chimneys of these fur trade buildings were so well constructed that they stood for many years after the fort itself had disappeared. That is true, at least, of old Flathead House of David Thompson, which stood for many years after the post was abandoned."

After the meeting was finished, fur trade historian Bruce McIntyre Watson approached me to introduce himself. He agreed with me in the possible existence of an old fort and suggested it was Simon Fraser's post, called Chala-oo-chek. (I looked up the name of the fort in his "Lives Lived;" it had taken him a few minutes to remember the post's name.)

To continue: "Here is the first of three travelling maps that reached the archives -- rough maps, drawn whilst travelling on horseback or in the boats. This is identified in Anderson's handwriting, at the top, as "A travelling sketch not reduced to scale: Chilcotin River, 1844," and is found under CM/13703A. In "The Pathfinder," you will see a portion of this map at the top of page 100 -- Chapter 14, The Fur Trade, 1845-46. How many of you have realized that every chapter heading contains a map or illustration relevant to the chapter which it heads?

"In the early 1840's Anderson, now at in charge at Fort Alexandria on the Fraser River north of William's Lake, suggested to Governor Simpson that the difficult Chilcotin post south west of the fort be closed down, and a new post built at Kluskus Lake, on Alexander McKenzie's West Road River.

"In 1844, Anderson and his men travelled on horseback over one of the uncleared Dakelh footpaths, from Fort Alexandria to a lake he said the Natives called "Thleuz-uz-cuz." The Thleuz-cuz post was built later that summer and proved very successful, and is often mentioned in the Fort Alexandria journals during Anderson's time there.

"If you look closely at Anderson's 1867 map (and I am sorry to say you will have little opportunity to do that, as it is not available for viewing), you will see he named the lake "Pelican Lake." It is likely that Anderson discovered a healthy breeding colony of American White Pelicans at Kluskus Lake, They are no longer there -- the only place that pelicans now breed in British Columbia is at another Pelican Lake, north-east of Kluskus Lake.

"Anderson drew his second travelling map -- Arrow Lakes and the Columbia River to Kettle Falls, 18[42], CM/13671A -- as he journeyed up the Columbia River in the boats, leading out the York Factory express in spring 1842. The map consists of two lines, one line almost on top of the other -- but each line represents a different part of the journey. The line at the left side begins at Fort Colvile and continues north up the Columbia, through the Arrow Lakes to the north end of the northernmost lake. On the east shore of that lake, Anderson marked the place where they camped on the night of their 4th day of travel.

"The right hand line shows the next morning's travel, and leads north from the campsite through Death Rapids, to the Boat Encampment at the junction of Canoe and Wood Rivers.

"I happened to turn over this travelling map and stumbled on a treasure. In 1842, Anderson drew pencil portraits of two of the voyageurs who travelled upriver with him. One is French Canadian, the second clearly Iroquois [or Bruce Watson suggests, Abenaki, I believe]. It is unusual to rare to find images of voyageurs in the fur trade records, and I hope that with a great deal of photo-shopping this image might eventually be made reproducible.

"From this first rough travelling map came Anderson's finished map, Sketch of the Upper Columbia, Fort Colvile to Jasper's House," CM/13662B -- and you will find a piece of this map in "The Pathfinder," on the top of page 76, Chapter 10 -- the York Factory Express, 1842. Anderson must also have drawn a travelling map of the traverse from Boat Encampment via Athabasca Pass to Jasper's House, and he attached the information that map contained to the top of his finished Columbia River map. The interesting part of this map -- at least to fur trade researchers -- is that Anderson showed how many times the fur traders waded through the chest deep waters of the Wood River on their way to the height of the pass."

I will here add the history of the time, that will explain the many changes the fur traders west of the mountains would experience over the next few years. In the early 1840's everyone was aware the British and American governments were negotiating the placement of the boundary line west of the Rocky Mountains. Most traders assumed the line would follow the Columbia River south, but Anderson believed it might continue west, along the 49th parallel. He wrote to Governor Simpson, offering to explore for a new route to Fort Langley, and the Governor accepted his offer. In 1846 and 1847, Anderson made four expeditions across the mountains that separated the forts in the interior from Fort Langley, on the lower Fraser, by which the fur traders in New Caledonia and Kamloops could carry their furs to the coast.

To continue: "The Sketch Map of the Thompson River District," HBCA B.5/z/1, fo.2, by Alexander Caulfield Anderson, has been published in Derek Hayes' "Historical Atlas of British Columbia and the Pacific Northwest -- Maps of Exploration," on page 130. In 1846, Anderson started on the first of four expeditions across country between Kamloops and Fort Langley, and this is the drawing he made of the expected route of his first journey -- it shows an easy route down the Lillooet River to Fort Langley.

"The information contained in this map would have come as a result of the exploration that boisterous, fast-talking Francis Ermatinger made in 1827. From the Thompson River post (early Kamloops), Ermatinger and another man explored the Pesaline or Pishaleor or Pasilico Lakes (Anderson and Seton Lakes) and travelled across the range of hills to the Li-li-what River. Like Anderson, they were looking for a route to Fort Langley, but they turned back when they saw the roughness of the Lillooet River.

"When Anderson arrived at the mouth of the Seton River almost twenty years later, he noted that it "had a name so cacophonous that I scarcely dare write it, 'Pap-shil-qua-ka-meen,' or River of the Lakes. Unlike Ermatinger, Anderson tried to come close to the Native pronunciation, and though he often shortened names for convenience in writing his reports, he often also included the longer phonetic spelling of Native names for places and rivers.

"I looked at Sam Black's map, CM/B2079, which was found amongst Anderson's papers at his death. I thought that John Tod of Kamloops, and Alexander Anderson might have consulted Black's map, in 1846, in order the choose Anderson's route. But that map now shows both Anderson and Seton Lakes and the Lillooet Lake and River all the way to Fort Langley. So I think this was a working map, and that John Tod added new information about the Lillooet River route to Sam Black's old map on Anderson's return to Kamloops.

"Anderson's "Original Sketch of Explorations," CM/B1094, is contained in the book in the section of maps following page 95. Kamloops is in the top right hand corner, and Fort Langley in the bottom left. This might be the first map that Anderson drew in Victoria, after being encouraged in his map-making by the Royal Engineers, many of whom he knew. Anderson's four cross country expeditions took place in 1846 and 1847 -- but this map also shows Peers Creek and the Coquihalla River, places he would not have seen before late summer 1849.

"Not too many people have seen the map contained in Anderson's original journal of exploration in 1846 -- Return Journey, found is the BC archives under Accessioned Map18941A. Yet it might be the most important of all. The map shows the route that Anderson and his men took, from the mouth of the Coquihalla River, through the Nicolum and Sumallo River valleys and up the south side of the Coquihalla. It continues through his descent of the Tulameen River to the Similkameen chief Blackeye's Camp, and it also indicates where he though Blackeye's Trail across the plateau would lead -- that is, to Rhododendron Flats on the south side of the mountain.

"The coloured lines and numbers are referred to in his journal, and historians who did not uncover this map when they read Anderson's journal on microfilm had no idea what the numbers referred to, and where the coloured lines he talked of were. Thus, lack of access to this map confounded Harley Hatfield and those many other brigade trail researchers over the years, and I am not certain that any of them ever found this map.

"This is probably the map mentioned in Richard Ruggles' book, "A Country So Interesting," as the "Sketch Map from Fort Hope to Otter Lake (Tulameen); copy apparently at BCARS.""

Again, I am going to insert a little history to help explain the occurrences over the next few years -- that is the brigades of 1848 and 1849. In 1847 Anderson learned that the boundary line now followed the boundary line to the coast, but the fur traders all thought they could use their old brigade trail down the Columbia River to Fort Vancouver for a few more years. But in late 1847, measles and the resultant massacre of the missionaries at Wailatpu, and the Native wars that followed, forced the fur traders of New Caledonia, Kamloops, and Fort Colvile (on the Columbia River), to bring their furs out by one of Anderson's unfinished trails. The trail the fur traders at Forts Vancouver and Victoria chose led from Kamloops through the Nicola Valley and followed the Coldwater River to the range of hills that separated the Nicola Valley from modern-day Boston Bar and the Fraser River. If you visit Hell's Gate and Boston Bar, and look at the hills on the east side of the river -- those are the mountains that Anderson's trail led over.

They came to Fort Langley and returned, with many difficulties and a huge loss of horses and trade goods. At Kamloops the gentlemen sent Henry Newsham Peers south with Edouard Montigny south to Blackeye's Camp, to have that Native chief show them over his trail to Rhododendron Flats and the Sumallo River valley. In the end the trail didn't quite run the route that Anderson expected it would, but the fur traders decided to open up the new trail over the Coquihalla.

To make a long story short, a heavy snowfall that winter buried the Coquihalla River valley and prevented any work from being done on the new brigade trail. The fur traders came out, one my time, over the trail that led up the Coldwater River, and on their return journey they opened the new Coquiahalla trail. The next few maps which I will be discussing show the routes of many of the trails that Anderson and other brigaders followed on the way from Kamloops to Fort Langley in 1848 and 1849.

To continue: "A rough map called "Kamloops Region, Nicola Valley and Upper Similkameen Valley," CM/13664A, shows much of the history of the Nicola Valley and the trails that the fur traders used in the mid-1840's and before. The fact that Kamloops stands on the west bank of the North Thompson River means this map was drawn after 1843.

"From the west end of Kamloops Lake is the trail that Anderson followed in 1846. It led through Marble Canyon to the Fraser, and ended at "the Fountain," just north of Fountain Ridge on the Fraser River. There the Natives had a fishery that supplied the Kamloops fort with salmon.

"In 1847, Anderson set out from Kamloops on his second journey to Fort Langley. He crossed the hills to the Nicola Valley and, unable to cross by the normal portage, followed that river north. I had a strong feeling that he intended to reach the banks of the Thompson River by one of several trails on the other side of the Nicola River -- one of which ended up at the mouth of the Nicoamen River. He was looking for a brigade trail, and as he followed the Nicola to its mouth he noted that the sharp rocks on the Nicola's east bank would prevent it from being used as a path for horses. So, I think it was important to him that he crossed the rain-swollen river.

"Also marked on the map is the Anderson River route that he explored in 1847, on his return journey to Kamloops, and the route the brigades took out in 1848. If you take a look at Sam Black's map mentioned above -- this route passed through the "Terrible Mountains all over Hereabouts" that Black marked on his map -- and for the brigades it proved to be true.

"The fur-traders' Similkameen River is marked at the bottom of the map, as is Blackeye's trail to the top of the plateau. You will remember that when discussing earlier maps I said that Blackeye's trail led southward to Rhododendron Flats. In this map, Blackeye's trail now connects to the brigade trail, which indicates that it was drawn in 1849 or later.

"In the case of the "Shuswap Okanagan District," CM/B104, the archives suggests the map was drawn earlier, I am certain that Anderson worked on it as late as 1877, when he returned from Shuswap Lake as Dominion Indian Reserve Commissioner. You can see how the Shuswap Lake overlay covers up the section of the Columbia River that would certainly have appeared on this map.

"On this map, as on others, Anderson omits any mention of the old trail that once led up the North Thompson River to Little Fort, but as it was not used after 1843, he probably considered it was overgrown. He does show the replacement for that old trail -- the new brigade trail, opened in 1843, that led up Copper Creek to Loon Lake and Green Lake, joining the old trail just south-east of the fur traders' Lac la Hache.

"On the bottom half of this map we can see the old brigade trail south of Kamloops and Okanagan Lake. With the exception of his 1867 map of British Columbia, and his 1858 Map (discussed next), all of Anderson's maps stop at the boundary line.

"The map also indicates the brigade trail through the Kettle and Similkameen valleys to the foot of the Coquihalla Mountains, first used by the Fort Colvile men in 1849. I suggest that Blackeye's son guided them through this trail the first year they used it, on their return journey. East of modern day Princeton, this trail was buried when the Dewdney Trail was constructed over virtually the same route in the 1860's.

"Finally, the trail north from Blackeye's Camp to Kamloops is shown; a little bit of the 1848 brigade trail along the Coldwater River is drawn in.

"Next we will talk about Anderson's "Map showing the different routes of communication with the gold region on Frazer's River," CM/A78 -- a map familiar to anyone who writes about the 1858 gold rush. About 1854, Anderson retired from the fur trade and settled at Cathlamet, WA. -- but because so many gold miners were approaching him for information on routes into the new goldmines being discovered on the Thompson River, he wrote his book, "Guide to the Goldfields," which included this map. The book sold well; copies are in archives in Australia and elsewhere -- and publication of this book might have been Anderson's only money-making project after he left the fur trade.

"Anderson drew the base-map, but the finished map is not his. Probably the publisher provided it; alternatively it might have been drawn by his new brother-in-law, artist William Henry Tappen -- a "most superior gentleman" who had just married Anderson's spinster sister, Margaret.

"An interesting and historic map is, I think, being overlooked. It is the Lands and Forests Hope-Princeton sheet of 1939, CM/C724, drawn specifically to show all the area's historic trails -- the brigade trails once again opened by Harley Hatfield and his friends; the Dewdney Trail, and many others. Firstly, it is a fascinating map that you should know about, if you are interested in British Columbia history; secondly, on this map Outram Lake -- the lake named by Alexander Caulfield Anderson for his cousin General Sir James Outram, is the lake at the end of the Nicolum River system.

"I believed this was true, too, until I really looked at Anderson's 1867 Map of the Colony of British Columbia, CM/F9 -- and you can see this section of the map of BC on the top of page 113, in "The Pathfinder."

"To me, the most interesting section of Anderson's 1867 map is the area south of the Coquihalla, which shows a portion of his 1846 exploration from Fort Langley to Kamloops. On this map, Anderson's Outram Lake is clearly indicated as part of the Sumallo River system. But sometime after Anderson drew this 1867 map, surveyors or settlers moved the lake's name westward, to another lake later buried under the massive Hope Slide of 1965. Anderson's Outram Lake is just east of the Hope Slide.

"Anderson's Tree, which sits southeast of Council's Punch Bowl Lake, on the top of the Coquihalla, was another total mystery to me. It appears first in Anderson's 1858 map to the Gold regions; next on his map of Four Explorations drawn in 1860 some-odd; and finally on his 1867 map of British Columbia.

"In 1846, Anderson's party of voyageurs and Native guides continued their walk past his Outram Lake, through the steep sided mountain valley. Just past Manning Park's Rhododendron Flats they climbed the mountain to reach the little lake at the top. Anderson named the lake, "Council's Punch Bowl." Years later [about 1820], Alexander's son James wrote that Council's Punch Bowl Lake was commemorated by a marked tree -- a story he must have heard from his father.

"When I picked up Carolyn Podruchny's book, "Making the Voyageur World; Travellers and Traders in the North American fur trade," I ran across a section on Maypole Trees, sometimes called lobsticks:

""Theatre and Maypoles -- the quotation that begins this chapter illustrates a striking performance of the master and servant relationship in the fur trade... Voyageurs selected a tall tree standing out on a lake, "lobbed" off all its branches except those at the very top, carved into the trunk's base the name of the bourgeois, clerk, or passenger to be honoured, and gathered around the maypoles to cheer and fire muskets. The honouree then provided regales, or treats to all the brigade...."

"From this I came to realize that Anderson's Tree might be a Maypole Tree -- an honour granted to very few men west of the Rocky Mountains. No fur trader ever saw Anderson's Tree after he and his men walked away from it. But Anderson knew it was there, and I believe he marked the tree on his maps so that he, if no one else, would remember the honour."

At this time I showed an image of Anderson's 1867 Map of British Columbia as it hangs in the archives, with some descendants on a visit.

I quote from "The Pathfinder" here: "Fourteen of Anderson's hand-drawn maps are preserved in the British Columbia archives, but the map that historians consider most significant is his 1867 Map of British Columbia. This massive map measures 4.5 feet by 6 feet and is drawn at a scale of approximately 10 miles per inch. It shows all of modern day British Columbia south of Fort St. James; it extends eastward as far as the HBC's Edmonton House and shows the route Anderson's party took through Leather Pass in the winter of 1835. When he drew the area around Fort Colvile, Anderson indicated his interest in NWC explorer David Thompson's earlier presence in the area when he drew in "David Thompson's River" and the location of Saleesh House.

""In all his finished maps, Anderson used good-quality rag paper that aged to a warm cream colour. The black ink contained iron that rusted to a rich reddish-brown. He used watercolours to paint the larger bodies of water blue, and in red indicated the many trails the fur traders of his time travelled. His signature appears everywhere. Handwritten notes on the map indicate events in his personal life such as his journey from Fort Colvile to Kamloops in the winter of 1842. At times he recorded information he obtained from post journals that no longer exist, as when he drew the route of a trading party led by Fraser's Lake clerk John McDonnell to Salmon River in 1828."

"Curator Derek Swallow tells me this about the map: "According to my informants, the map was in pieces when we received it. Our conservation department treated it, put it together, and mounted it on an acid-free backing, then encapsulated it between two sheets of mylar. Mylar is a type of plastic that doesn't break down over time, as other plastics do.

""It was mounted to a vertical rack to prevent stress on it if people came to view it... To prevent light damage we keep the front covered so if we enter the storage area and switch on the overheads it won't be illuminated. This is very critical since many of the First Nations territorial boundaries and some of the written inscriptions were done in coloured, light-sensitive, fugitive ink. In other words, light will fade the colours. To mitigate fading when we do show the map, our flourescent lights are low UV yield and the tubes are covered in secondary UV filters -- UV is the primary source of colour fading....

""The map... is of huge significance to the province and the people of B.C. so we have put a great deal of resources into preserving it and storing it in conditions that will guarantee its longevity. If exhibited, the map would be subject to strict handling, environment conditions, lighting and security."

"I visit the map on occasion, and I always enjoy turning around and looking at Tsilaxitsa's portrait [see page 203 of "The Pathfinder"] which hangs directly behind the person who is viewing Anderson's map. Tsilaxitsa was the nephew of Chief Nkwala after whom the Nicola Valley is named, and he became the most powerful Okanagan chief of his time. He and his close relative, Blackeye's son, accompanied Anderson on his 1847 exploration up and down the Fraser River, and almost certainly they both worked for the brigades, taking out the furs and bringing in the trade goods. In 1877, Anderson met Tsilaxitsa again, as Dominion Indian Reserves Commissioner. In his journal of that time, Anderson wrote that he had ridden many miles with this man. I find it eminently suitable -- and very romantic --that Tsilaxitsa's portrait faces Anderson's map in the archives store-room.

"There are many stories written into Anderson's 1867 map of the Colony of British Columbia:

"From early days Anderson was fascinated by Alexander Mackenzie, and in later years he own an 1802 version of Mackenzie's "Voyages from Montreal.." Mackenzie's journals were always more accessible to Anderson than those of the other explorers. In 1876, Dr. Israel Wood Powell loaned Anderson Simon Fraser's original journals to read. But Anderson had no access to David Thompson's journals, as they were never published while he was alive. But, when he was in charge of Fort Colvile, Anderson identified both David Thompson's River and location Saleesh House on it -- and he also drew in the location of the HBC fur trader Joseph Howse's House.

"In a PhD thesis called "Historical Cartography of British Columbia," written in 1960 and stored in the archives under Mss. 1104, student Albert Leonard Farley says this of Anderson's map:

""All sections of the manuscript map represent generally improved configurations, though, as one might expect, some are rendered in greater detail than others. The Kootenay-Columbia drainage, for example, is shown in the greatest detail since Thompson's day, though still lacking the mark of precision so characteristic of the great geographers' maps..."

"So, if Anderson had help in drawing this section of his map, I assumed there would be a map somewhere that would indicate that. Amongst the listing of documents that his son, James, gave to the provincial librarian, is listed, "Original map of the Flathead River."I looked for this map and finally realized, as I leafed through the file, that James' notes changed to indicated that this Flathead map was the Royal Engineers' Map of the British North American Exploring Expedition's route, under John Palliser [CM/A335, BCA] through the Fort Colvile district, which Anderson must have owned.

"The historic Collin's Telegraph Trail is located on the map, because there is a family connection to the trail. American businessman, Perry McDonough Collins, hoped to run a telegraph trail from San Francisco through British Columbia, Alaska and Russia, all the way to London, completing this before Cyrus Field managed to lay his line across the Atlantic Ocean. The Collin's Trail was as far north as the Skeena District when Field's Atlantic line was successfully laid, and Collin's gradually abandoned his project. But one of the men who worked on the trail was James McKenzie Anderson, son of Alexander's brother James. He was in the area around Fraser's Lake when George Mercer Dawson hired two men as axemen -- one was James Anderson, almost certainly Alexander Anderson's nephew. When the Collin's trail was finally abandoned, James came to Victoria to visit his uncle, and Alexander obtained as much information as he could on the location of the trail -- which is why it is not accurately located on his map.

"Just southeast of Lac la Hache is "Peter Ogden's camp" south-east of Lac la Hache on the 1843 brigade trail. I have always looked at this and wondered what it meant. In the Fort Victoria letters in HBCA, James Douglas reported that, in 1851, "a party of ten men, under the direction of Mr. Peter Ogden, were employed upon the new road for nearly two months... They cleared the points of wood on the whole route between Alexandria and Fort Hope...." So here's a little bit of history explained -- this is where Peter Ogden, son of Peter Skene Ogden, set up camp to cut a trail that cut off the long loops of brigade trail that diverted the fur traders miles out of their way, eastward toward Drowned Horse Lake (Horse Lake) rather than west toward Lac la Hache.

"The 1843 brigade trail through Loon Lake is shown on this map, and there is only one other map in British Columbia that has this trail marked on it; it is also an A.C. Anderson map. There are at present two historical-geographers geo-mapping the trail, and one of these men is a descendant of fur-trader Donald Manson. The trail actually passes through creeks and lakes that carry names that indicate this was an old brigade trail -- for example: Fly Creek, Brigade Lake, Carabine Creek.

"This is also the only map that shows the brigade trail past Okanagan Lake, and it shows all the other trails in the area. I have been puzzling as to where the brigade trail passed in the years after 1843, and I learned as the book was going through the presses that the brigades continued to follow the old trail, via Monte creek, all the way through 1849, when Anderson brought his men north to Kamloops.

"In the Fort Colvile area to the south east, modern day Curlew Lake bears the name, Eliza Lake. Obviously this is Anderson's name for the lake, named for his daughter or perhaps his wife. Jack Nisbet tells me that the trails that Anderson had drawn onto his map run along the same paths that the modern days follow -- almost nothing has changed.

"In this same area I find "Flying Squirrel Camp," and while I connect this with the botanist John Jeffries coming through Fort Colvile in 1851 (I think), I have absolutely no idea whether this is so. It could simply be named by the voyageurs for the flying squirrels in the area... Sooner or later I hope I will uncover this story.

"Albert Leonard Farley, author of the aforementioned thesis, "Historical Cartography of British Columbia," finished his essay with the words: "Aside from its understandable shortcomings, Anderson's manuscript map was a remarkable achievement. It was a great forward step towards a comprehensive map of all of southern British Columbia. The innumerable statements and explanatory notes... provide a valuable summary of geographic knowledge at the time, as well as offering clues to the sources of information which Anderson used in compiling the map. In a very real sense, Anderson's manuscript [map] represents a culmination of the cartographic accomplishments attributable to the fur-trade in British Columbia. It goes beyond this, however, by including liberal additions to knowledge of the country as a result of mining activities, and as a result of official explorations and surveys undertaken up to 1866."

"As we are going chronologically through his maps, I will quickly discuss his two Saanich maps -- the first, "Approximate Sketch showing the line of road [North Saanich]; the second his "Sketch of two Roads, etc." One of these maps is shown in "The Pathfinder" on page 187, and both -- once difficult to find -- are now stored under their new number, C/B/30.7K/An2.

Another interesting set of maps is Anderson's "Course from McK's travels, 1793," CM/12709A. You can see from these two maps that Anderson was reading Mackenzie's journals and trying to figure out his location. (On one of these maps Prince George is clearly shown, by its Native name). I suspect that Anderson's copy of Mackenzie's Journal might be found in the Rare Book Room of the Legislative Library, identifiable because I will have Anderson's name and the date he purchased the book written on the first blank page of the book.

"The map titled "Northwestern North America," CM/13666C, is by far my favorite map, and the one that hangs on my living room wall. Anderson drew this map about 1870-74. In the summer of 1875, geographer George Mercer came to Victoria and saw the finished copy of this map. He asked Anderson to lend it to him; Dawson displayed the map in the Canadian log-cabin exhibit at the massive 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition. When that world's fair closed, the map itself returned to Montreal and hung on the walls of the Geological Survey of Canada for many years-- and then it disappeared. No one knows where the map is, and it probably no longer exists.

"The map was clearly drawn by Anderson to connect the New Caledonia and Columbia district, where he had spent his lifetime, with the Mackenzie and Athabasca districts where his old brother, James, had spent a few years.There is no other reason for Alexander to have drawn this map, other than to find where James had worked. It's a very personal map; and not one of interest to anyone that Alexander knew in British Columbia.

"This is what Alexander Anderson said of his brother: "James Anderson, my elder brother, born near Calcutta in 1812, educated in England, and entering the Service in 1831, co-temporaneously with myself -- After wintering for some years at Moose Factory in Hudson's Bay, and other stations in the Southern Department, he was transferred to the Northern Department and succeeded Dr. Rae in the charge of Mckenzie's River district in 1850.

""In 1854 he was appointed by the Company to descend the Tleu-e-cho Dozeth, or Back's River, in quest of intelligence respecting the fate of Sir John Franklin's party. On this expedition he proceeded with two well-manned birch bark canoes early in 1855 -- returning late the same Autumn, after having performed a most expeditious journey, and having discovered what appeared to be the last relics of at least a portion of the party of Dr. Stanley, namely, and others of the crew of the Terror."

"James Anderson retired in Canada and died of tuberculosis in 1867. this map was drawn after James' death, and to draw in the Northwest Territories, Alexander copied the map contained in Thomas Simpson's book, "Life & Travels of Thomas Simpson," listed in [son] James Robert Anderson's fonds [CM/13680A) and published in London by Richard Bentley in 1845.

"Anderson also wrote an essay to go with the Map of Northwestern North American, and it was printed in a magazine called "The Naturalist," or "Canadian Naturalist," as well as being published by Mitchell & Wilson [Montreal] in 1876. Anderson requests reprints of his essay, which are preserved in the BC Archives under NW971M A545n, "Notes on North-Western America."

"George Mercer Dawson was a sinkhole of Anderson maps: In a letter that James Mackenzie Anderson (son of Alexander's brother James) wrote to his cousin, James Robert Anderson (son of A.C. Anderson) on January 30, 1914, he said: "I had some maps of your late father's, which I lent to Mr. [George Mercer] Dawson to copy, which I cannot now find, and they may have not returned them..." I find no evidence that Dawson ever returned the Anderson maps to their owner.

"The last map that I am going to discuss is this one: Sam Black's map of the Thompson's River district, CM/B2079 -- and a very confusing map it can be. It was found in Anderson's papers by son, James, after Alexander's death in 1884, and in 1915, James wrote in the top corner of this map: "I have no means of ascertaining by whom this unique map was made, certainly not by my father...." The map was re-discovered and written up in BC Studies some years ago, by Bob Harris, but the location of the map was never given. It should be listed in James Anderson's fonds, Mss. 1912, where it belongs.

"The Royal Engineers saw a copy of this map in James Douglas' hands when they were in Victoria; I think Anderson probably received it from Douglas when he was drawing his 1867 map of British Columbia. Is it possible there are two copies of this map? It's hard to know.

"So these are Anderson's maps, and as you can see there is history written into every one of these maps. Finding all the stories has been a long and interesting project and continues to be so -- some of the stories I told you I only learned two or three weeks ago. Some stories I have yet to uncover. There may also be new discoveries of maps stored in other archives, and I believe there are a number of maps that will probably never turn up.

"But it has been an interesting project, following Alexander Caulfield Anderson's life from his early days on the Northwest Coast and at Fraser's Lake -- through the many changes to the fur trade and through his later days at Fort Colvile and Fort Vancouver. In a way, Anderson remained stuck in the fur trader throughout his entire life, and it was his knowledge of the fur trade districts in which he had lived and worked that made him the perfect person to draw all these maps for the new immigrants that were flooding into British Columbia. It was, of course, an interest; but because Anderson proved able to incorporate new information on his old maps, he proved to be a valuable -- if underappreciated -- asset to the new colony.

"So I am sure that Alexander Caulfield Anderson would be the first persona who would courteously and warmly thank you for your appreciation of his maps. And I thank you, too, for your interest in the stories contained in these maps, and hope you have more stories to add to them."

For those of you who want to view all of Anderson's maps in the archives, and perhaps discover how he copied and re-copied them, I will include now a list of maps that I have not spoken of. All of these are simple black and white maps of the finished maps we have discussed.

I also haven't spoken of one map: "Map to accompany road tax assessment roll, Lake and Saanich district," found under number CM/13672B with a copy under CM/13712B. An expert in Saanich history has given the date for this map as 1869.

Northwestern North America, CM/13666C, has a rough copy under CM/13714C -- stored offsite to arrangements must be made to bring it to the archives to view. That is probably true of many of Anderson's maps, so be prepared to stay a few days in Victoria.
Sketch Map of the Upper Columbia..., CM/13662B, has copies: a copy of this map is in Land & Titles, Legal Surveys Vault 25T; but the handwriting is not Anderson's. I also have a copy listed under number CM/B246. Because I haven't seen these maps for years my numbers might not be accurate and you might have to search around a little.
The upper Fraser River map has two copies: Anderson's copy, a rough drawing, is under CM/13702B, while a Royal Engineers' copy is under CM/13705B [Mss. 1912].
Guide Map to the Peace River Mines, CM/13665A, has a copy under CM/A1412.
The Arrowsmith copy of Anderson's Map to the Gold Regions, CM/A78, is under CM/A283. It is not as attractive as Anderson's map.
Some of these maps apparently have copies in Lands and Titles office, but I have not seen them.

Thank you, everyone. For those of you who want to hear me talk a bit more about the history behind these maps, I will be back in Burnaby about May 9th or 10th, to speak in front of that historical group.
I might also be in Steveston (which sounds like a fascinating place to visit) but this is still being arranged.
In April I will be guiding people through the South Saanich cemetery, at St. Stephens Church, where both Alexander Caulfield Anderson, and his wife Betsy, are buried.